
Glass 

Book ! , 



NOTES AND OBSERVATIONS, 

fflrttt'cal anlj^xplanatorg, 

ON THE PAPERS 



RELATIVE TO THE 



INTERNAL STATE OF THE COUNTRY, 

RECENTLY 

PRESENTED TO PARLIAMENT : 

To which is appended, 

TO MR. FRANCIS PHILIPS'S 

(t Exposure of the Calumnies circulated by the Enemies of Social 
" Order, and reiterated by their Abettors, against the Magis- 
** trates and the Yeomanry Cavalry of Manchester and 

" Salfordr 



BY 
A MEMBER OF THE MANCHESTER COMMITTE 

Tor relieving the Sufferers of the I6lh of August, 1819. 



Et errat longe mea quidem sententia 

Qui imperium credat gravius esse aut stabilius 

Vi quod fit, quara illud quod amicitia adjungitur. 

Ten Addphi. 

Id quidem, ego, etsi tu neges, certe scio 

Te inscientem atque imprudentem, dicei-e ac f'acere omnia 

Tot peccata in hac re ostendis. 

Ter. Heaut. 



LONDON; 

PUBL1SHEDBY EFFINGHAM WILSON, 
ROYAL EXCHANGE. 
1820. 






TO THE 



HON. HENRY GREY BENNET, M. P. 



Sir, 

In dedicating to you the ensuing pages, I 
take a liberty, to which I am only encouraged 
from knowing the anxiety you feel, that the pre- 
vailing disposition to attribute to the labouring 
classes, designs w r hich they have never enter- 
tained, and to misrepresent their actual conduct, 
should be exposed, and its mischievous tendency 
counteracted. 

Within the walls of the House of Commons, no 
one has exerted himself more laudably, or with 
greater effect, for this purpose, than you ; and if 
I succeed in giving to your powerful arguments 
any additional confirmation, my hopes will be sa- 
tisfied—- my intentions fulfilled. 

You, Sir, upon a recent occasion well observed, 
that " the people of England were not now to be 
governed in the same manner as a century ago ;" 
and in the true spirit of this declaration, you have 
endeavoured to expose and to put down that 
strange anomalous system of local government to 



VI 



which circumstances have here long subjected us, 
and of the existence of which, the events of the 
16th of August were a mere manifestation. 

The restrictive Bills, which are now passing 
through the British Parliament, 1 believe owe 
their existence to a determination to maintain and 
uphold that system in this neighbourhood, the 
previous operation of which has created every 
pretence that can be urged in their favour, and 
which, if I am not deceived, will, in its future 
proceedings, far transcend all that the most stre- 
nuous opposers of those military measures had 
considered within the probable range of their mis- 
chiefs. 

INo friend to the maintenance of well-regulated 
freedom can regard, without great jealousy and 
suspicion, the investing of any Magistrates with 
such discretionary powers, as are conferred by the 
" Seditious Meetings Bill," and the " Search for 
Arms Bill ;" and no one who knows the natural 
tendency of uncontrolled power to degenerate into 
gross abuse, or who understands the constitution 
and the character of a great part of the magis- 
tracy of this district, can look forward to the ex- 
ecution of those acts without considerable appre- 
hension and alarm. 

It is satisfactory however to reflect, that though 
the Magistrates may receive ministerial thanks 
and parliamentary sanction, there is another bar at 



Vll 

which they must plead— another tribunal before 
which they will be summoned, whose decisions, 
influence cannot guide, nor power overawe. Pub- 
lic opinion has stamped an indelible character on 
the transactions of the 16th of August, and will 
rigidly scrutinize the future conduct of those with 
whom originated the proceedings of that day. 

The dreadful mass of misery which the disper- 
sion of the meeting by military violence has caused, 
cannot be conceived of, by those whose know- 
ledge of the subject is wholly gathered from 
Newspaper details. If I were to relate but a 
small part of what I have personally witnessed, 
the public would feel, that, though there may have 
been errors or misrepresentation in individual 
cases, there is no ground for imputing to those 
who have written or spoken upon the affair, a 
general disposition to exaggerate. 

Your private virtues and your political indepen- 
dence are well known to, and correctly appreciated 
by, the most enlightened portion of your fellow 
countrymen. And I am persuaded that those whose 
good opinion you would most value, fully concur 
with you in thinking, that on that melancholy occa- 
sion, to which the following pages owe their origin, 
the outrage offered to common humanity, and to 
constitutional law, was equally undeniable and 
alarming. 



Vlll 

That you may Jong continue to maintain that 
high station amongst the friends of public liberty, 
which an honest estimation of your talents and 
your exertions has assigned to you, is my anxious 
wish. Entreating your pardon for this intru- 
sion, 

I have the honor to be, Sir, 
With great respect, 

Your most obedient Servant, 
THE AUTHOR. 

Manchester ', 18th Dec. 1819. 



PREFACE. 



I HAD determined to publish Observations and Notes, 
on the papers presented by Ministers to Parliament, rela- 
tive to the internal state of the country, before Mr. Francis 
Philips's Pamphlet came out. For it seemed to me of im- 
portance, that the public should be aware, upon what insuf- 
ficient and how frequently upon what false statements, the 
good character and loyalty of the inhabitants of this exten- 
sive and populous district had been impeached. 

A Reply to Mr. Philips's " Exposure," &c. was a not 
unnatural addition to my original plan ; and I decided more 
readily upon noticing that pamphlet, because I might there- 
by have an opportunity of introducing facts and reasonings, 
which could not be easily connected with mere comments 
upon the parliamentary papers, but with which, in order to 
furnish the means of forming a just conclusion upon sub- 
jects that have created such unexampled interest, it was 
necessary that the Nation should be acquainted. 

I cannot pretend to view recent events here, merely as a 
citizen of the world. I cannot undertake to assert, that my 
judgment has been wholly freed from die influence of my 
political opinions. But I hope I know myself sufficiently 
to render it neither unsafe nor presumptuous for me to say, 

b 



X PREFACE. 

I am not capable of wilfully suppressing any fact, whatever 
might be its operation, even upon an argument I desired to 
establish ; and that no local occurrence, sufficiently authen- 
tic and important to influence public proceedings, would be 
likely to escape my notice. 

I wish it to be distinctly understood, that whatever I may 
say in the subsequent pages, respecting Mr. Francis Philips, 
will be meant to apply to him exclusively as a writer and a 
politician. I disclaim all intention of treating him with 
personal disrespect. But it affords little prospect of ulti- 
mate agreement with a writer, when the first page of his 
Preface contains a statement, not to be disputed as matter 
of opinion, but to be directly contradicted as untrue. 

I am not about to charge Mr. Philips with designed mis- 
statements, but they who undertake the " exposure of ca- 
lumnies," should take care to be free themselves ; not merely 
from the imputation of calumny, but of ignorance. Mr. 
Philips says, in reference to the " declaration and protest," 
that, " notwithstanding the persuasive arguments of the 
leaders, whose exertions were indefatigable, the total num- 
ber of signatures amounted only to ^80 names." It is true, 
that the number of names advertized in the Manchester 
papers, was not more than Mr. Philips has mentioned; but 
the number of persons by whom the " declaration and pro- 
test" were signed, was more than ten times as great ; in other 
words, between five and six thousand : and it is further 
true, that the document itself, with the whole of the names 
subjoined, was printed and published in the shape of a small 
pamphlet, long before Mr. Philips's " Exposure" came 
out. It is, however, certainly possible, that Mr. Philips 
may have been unacquainted with this fact. Should it be 
asked, why the whole of the names were not advertized in 
the newspapers, I answer, it was thought better to put them 
into a more permanent shape ; and also, that as our political 



PREFACE. XI 

expenses are not paid out of the poor's rates, economy was 
necessarily kept in view. If I mistake not, Mr. Philips will 
understand my allusion. 

To the revilings, which Mr. Philips applies to those by 
whom the u declaration and protest " were signed, I consi- 
der it beneath me to reply. As the character of those gen- 
tlemen can be in no danger from his attacks, so, neither 
could I serve them by the obtrusion of a defence. 

But if it be matter of complaint in Mr. Philips's estima- 
tion, that at the time our document was signed, the u pas- 
sions excited at the instant " of the meeting, u could not 
have given way to reflection," what upon his own principle 
can be said in favour of the meeting at the Star Inn, held 
on the 19th of August, for the purpose of thanking the 
magistrates, military, &c. five days before the declaration 
and protest was drawn up ? Oh, that of course was " a 
most respectable and numerous meeting" — " the large room 
at the Star Inn was crowded. Since 1812, when the last 
public towrfs-meeting was held, and the Exchange windows 
and furniture destroyed, I do not recollect a fuller attend- 
ance (parish meetings of ley-payers excepted,) and in point 
of respectability, I never witnessed one superior to it." So, 
by its managers, this assembly was designated as " a nume- 
rous and highly respectable meeting of the inhabitants of 
Manchester and Salford, and their neighbourhood ;" 
they meaning thereby falsely to insinuate, that the inhabitants 
at large knew of, or recognized, the meeting, or would have 
been permitted to attend it ; when the fact is, that no pub- 
lic notice of it was given ; — that invitations were addressed 
exclusively to those who were supposed to be favourable to 
the object of it; — that those who did not approve of its 
views, were repeatedly requested to leave the room ; and 
that all deliberation or discussion on certain points was ex- 
clusively forbidden. The " large" room, where this delec- 



Xll PREFACE. 

table assembly took place, measures about twenty-six feet 
by fourteen, and more than one-sixth of its space was occu- 
pied by furniture. My informant assures me, he could have 
walked with ease to any part of it. There could not, there- 
fore, have been more than one hundred persons present ; 
and indeed he thinks there were not more than seventy or 
eighty. But even taking the number of one hundred, the 
proportion would not be greater than about one in fifteen 
hundred of the inhabitants of that district, as emanating 
from which, these resolutions are attempted to be palmed 
upon the Nation. 

Mr. Philips intimates, that there was not " at the time, the 
slightest idea that the conduct of the Magistrates could have 
been censured. When he wrote that sentence he knew, he 
could not but know, that the meeting was adjourned from the 
police office (where it was originally appointed,) to the Star 
Inn, precisely because one individual by whom it was noto- 
rious that the conduct of the Magistrates was blamed, had 
taken his station in the room. 

Mr. Philips no doubt, is better qualified than any other 
person to give us a confession of his political faith, but I 
may be permitted to express my regret, that in the self- 
drawn sketch with which he has favoured us, I have not 
been able to recognize a trace of the original. What claim 
he can make out which will entitle him to be considered 
" the friend of liberty, the advocate of the people's rights,' ' I 
do not know ; but I am sure, that within my recollection, no one 
measure of domestic policy, calculated to extend or to secure 
"the people's rights," has had the support of that party to 
which he is considered to belong. Of every act of intimi- 
dation, restriction, and severity, against the people, they have 
been the advocates ; and I am not aware that there is a single 
measure of ministerial policy (unless the corn bill be consi- 
dered such) of which they have not been the firm and ardent 



PREFACE. Xlll 

supporters. When the constitutional laws of the country 
have been suspended, when the property, the character, and 
the liberty, of individuals, instead of being protected by law, 
has been held by the mere discretional sufferance of orange- 
club Magistrates ; these measures not only have been sanc- 
tioned by their approval, but, unless public report be widely 
wrong, sometimes adopted at their suggestions. 

To enter into the great question of Parliamentary Reform, 
would here be out of place. But certainly the doctrine of 
" Annual Parliaments, Universal Suffrage, and Election by 
Ballot," from the strong hold which it has obtained in the 
minds of the people, deserves to be better refuted, if it can 
be so, than by the flippant common-place assertion of Mr. 
Philips, " that the first is madness, the second child's play, 
and the third roguery and intrigue." 

Holding the conviction that a much less radical reform 
would secure the objects of most reformers, and give the 
people an effective controul in the House of Commons, 
I must yet say, that I have never seen what appears to me to 
be valid reasons against the abstract propriety of the most 
extensive scheme ; and 1 certainly think, it would be far more 
becoming in those by whom the doctrine of " Annual Par- 
liaments, &c." is opposed, to furnish us with arguments 
against their eligibility, than to content themselves with 
abusing that large portion of the community by whom such 
a reform is desired from a conscientious decision in its 
favour. 

I would also enforce as strongly as I can, the propriety 
of putting the most favourable construction possible, upon 
the general demeanour of the people. There are sufficient 
furious and unreasoning zealots on each side. Moderate 
and sensible men, therefore, ought to discriminate between 
individuals guilty of personal improprieties of conduct ; the 



XIV PREFACE. 

mass from which the former should be considered as the 
excrescences. I have not a word to say in defence of 
the presumption, vulgarity, and violence, of some self-styled 
reformers, on one hand ; but I certainly do think the inhu- 
manity, the ignorance, and the rancorous bitterness of 
many anti-reformers, equally inexcusable on the other. 
Indeed, there is no class which exhibits such a compound of 
injurious and unamiable qualities, there is none less fit for 
public business, or more fond of interfering in it, than a 
plebeian aristocracy. With more pride than the natural 
aristocracy of the country, they have less knowledge and 
less liberality. — With a rank that commands, and a charac- 
ter that deserves, less respect, they are far more intolerant 
and assuming, and there are few, very few of them, to whom 
power is entrusted, that "bear their faculties meekly." If I 
had given as many proofs of this assertion as the transactions 
of the last four or five months would have enabled me to 
adduce, my demands upon the patience of my readers would 
be too great ; but there will be found in the ensuing pages 
sufficient examples to testify the truth of my remark. 

Mr. Philips, as the posthumous expositor of Mr. Pitt's 
principles, assures us, that that minister would " not have 
conceded an iota ; never would have reasoned with any mob, 
nor with any body of men that attempted to succeed by 
intimidation." Suppose this to be the literal statement of a 
fact, what is it to us ? But neither Mr. Pitt, nor any other 
minister, can controul circumstances; and however imposing 
and high-minded Mr. Pitt's assumed course of conduct may 
appear to Mr. Philips, its prudence and its propriety may 
yet be very questionable. A just man (but unfortunately 
ministers of state seldom are just men) would inquire whe- 
ther the wishes of the people were reasonable, and their 
demands those, with which they had a right to claim compli- 
ance ; whilst a prudent man would attempt, by the influence of 
reason, by every kind conciliatory argument, to withdraw 



PREFACE. XV 

them from the pursuit of objects, injurious or unattainable ; 
and not rush wantonly into that conflict with the most nume- 
rous class of the population, of which, though the result 
might not be doubtful, the consequences must necessarily 
be tremendous. But the fact is, that when the people were 
silent as to reform, the mere statement that they were so, was 
held to be a sufficient answer to all the arguments in its 
favour. And now that all, or at least a majority of our 
labouring population, has loudly demanded a change in the 
representative system, the cry for that change is to be stifled 
by brute force, because the people have not uttered it pre- 
cisely in the tone most agreeable to the delicate and sensitive 
nerves of the advocates of existing abuses. 

I am fully aware, that there are many other points con- 
nected with the subjects of which the following pages treat, 
that it might have been desirable to notice ; but it was of 
importance that I should lose no time in submitting to the 
public such observations as circumstances seemed most par- 
ticularly to require. I was in hopes that I might anticipate 
some of the new ministerial enactments; but I now find that, 
before my pages issue from the press, we shall be " living 
under a very different constitution, from that of England." 
Mr. Canning may remember having once used that phrase, 
and when the " libel bill" and the " search for arms bill" ob- 
trude themselves upon his recollection, perhaps he may 
admit that they are but too illustrative of the truth of the 
assertion, particularly if he should ever learn what a consci- 
entious inquiry after truth could not fail to teach him, viz. 
how base are the misrepresentations, — how baseless the pre- 
tences, to which the liberties of Britons have been sacrificed. 



OFFICIAL 

CORRESPONDENCE, 

fyc. $c. 



New Bailey Court House, 

Salford, 1st July, 1819. 
My Lord, 

AS Magistrates of this district we feel ourselves called 
upon to communicate to your Lordship our impressions 
upon the present state of affairs within the reach of our 
observation. We are far from wishing to yield to unne- 
cessary alarm : but when we entertain serious apprehen- 
sions, we cannot refrain from making them known to your 
Lordship. 

We feel a difficulty in stating to your Lordship any 
specific facts upon which legal responsibility will attach to 
any particular individuals at present, but upon the general 
'dew of the subject we cannot have a doubt that some 
alarming insurrection is in contemplation, (a) 



(a) The magistrates, in the conclusion of this paragraph, most completely lose sight 
of their premises. No " alarming insurrection" could be in contemplation without 
" legal responsibility," and that of the highest character, attaching to many indi- 
viduals. Nor is it possible that the magistrates could be in possession of any evi- 
dence, to justify them in assuming the probability of " an alarming insurrection," 
without their being fully able to denounce and to convict those who were engaged in 
forwarding it. 

B 



Of the deep distresses of the manufacturing classes of 
this extensive population, your Lordship is fully apprized ; 
and the disaffected and ill-disposed, lose no opportunity of 
instilling the worst principles into the unhappy sufferers 
in these times, attributing their calamities, not to any event 
which cannot be controuled, but to the general measures 
of Government and Parliament ; and when the people are 
oppressed with hunger, we do not wonder at their giving 
ear to any doctrines which they are told will redress their 
grievances. 

Although we cannot but applaud the hitherto peaceable 
demeanour of many of the labouring classes, yet we do 
not calculate upon their remaining unmoved. Urged on 
by the harangues of a few desperate demagogues, we anti- 
cipate at no distant period a general rising; (b) and 
possessing no power to prevent the meetings which are 
weekly held, we, as Magistrates, are at a loss how to stem 
the influence of the dangerous and seditious doctrines 
which are continually disseminated. To these meetings, 
and the unbounded liberty of the press, we refer the prin- 
cipal weight of the evil which we apprehend. 

We believe, on Monday next, a meeting will be held at 
Blackburn, and on the following Monday at Manchester, 
at both of which Sir Charles Wolseley is to preside. As 

THE LAW NOW STANDS, WE CANNOT INTERFERE WITH 

these meetings, notwithstanding our decided conviction 
of their mischief and danger. We are most anxious to 



(B) Why is it that the magistrates, who are compelled to admit and " applaud the 
hitherto peaceable demeanour" of the people ? — why is it, that they rvtll fret them- 
selves with fears of future disturbance ? Without saying any thing in approval of the 
" harangues" of those whom they stile " desperate demagogues," I am quite in- 
credulous as to their having ever recommended " a general rising ;" but, if it be tnie 
they did so, and that the magistrates M anticipate" that such an unhappy event 
would take place, is not the fact, that no communication upon the subject was made 
to Parliament, a decisive proof, that ministers did not credit the information of the 
country magistrates; Parliament having sat until the loth of July ? 



3 

do every thing in our power lo preserve the peace of the 
Country, but upon this most important point we are un- 
armed, (c) 

We have the honour to be, 

Your Lordship's most faithful 

and obedient Servants, 
J. SILVESTER. 
R. WRIGHT. 
W. MARRIOT. 
C. W. ETHELSTON. 
J. NORRIS. 
Lord Viscount Sidmouth. 



Birmingham, July 5, 1819. 
My Lord, 

I HAVE the honour to inclose, for your Lordship's 
information, the copy of an advertisement circulated 
throughout the town of Birmingham, calling for a public 
meeting on Monday next. Your Lordship will not fail 
to observe the day and the hour fixed for this meeting, 
both of which are well calculated for the collection of a crowd 
of persons, many of whom will be fast approaching to 
a state of intoxication, and therefore more easily 
inflamed to acts of violence by the speeches which will no 
doubt be addressed to them, (d) 



(C) The admission here, is most important : neither the law nor the diameter of 
the meetings was changed between the 1st July and the 16th August ; and if, at the 
former period, the magistrates were, as they state, " unarmed" where do they look 
for — whence do they derive — the legal justification of their proceedings at the latter? 
This paragraph proves, also, that the intention of holding a meeting atManchester, 
was known several days before the order for sharpening the swords was given, even 
according to the statement of the yeomanry. 

(d) Thus, by these official gentlemen, every thing is presumed against the people. 
They do not suspend their opinions until they have the evidence of facts before them, 
but calculate on the probability of crime, with the eagerness of wistful anticipation . 



I am informed that applications have been made to Sir 
Charles Wolseley to preside, and to Wooler, Johnson, 
and others, to attend. 

I have the honour to be, 

Your Lordship's very obedient Servant, 
ISAAC SPOONER. 
The Viscount Sidmouth, 
&c. &c. &c. 

TOWN'S MEETING. 

On Monday July 12, a meeting of the Inhabitants of 
Birmingham will take place at three d* clock in the After- 
noon, at the New Hall Hill, for the purpose of consider- 
ing of the best means of obtaining the representation of 
the people of Birmingham in Parliament, and also the re- 
presentation of all the unrepresented inhabitants of the 
empire. 

Signed on behalf of the requisition ists, 

GEORGE EDMONDS. 

July 3, 1819. 



AT the General Quarter Sessions of the Peace of our 
Lord the King, held at Nether Knutsford, in and for 
the County of Chester; on Tuesday the 13th day of 
July, in the Year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
dred and nineteen. 

Present, 
The Earl of Stamford and Warrington, His Majesty's 
Lieutenant. 

Sir John Thomas Stanley, Bart. • 

Sir Henry Mainwaring Mainwaring, Bart. 

Trafford Trafford, Esq. 

Edwin Corbett, Esq. 

Thomas William Tatton, Esq. 

John Ford, Esq. 

John Glegg, Esq. 



Wilbraham Egerton, Esq. 

Thomas Bayley Hall, Esq. 

Egerton Leigh, Esq. 

Edward Venables Townsend, Esq 

Peter Marsland, Esq. 

Nathaniel Makey Pattison, Esq. 

Ralph Wright, Esq. 

Edward Tomkinson, Esq. 

John Hoskin Harper, Esq. 

The Reverend Charles Prescott, Clerk. 

The Reverend John Browne, Clerk. 

The Reverend John H. Mallory, Clerk. 

The Reverend James Thomas Law, Clerk. 

A Letter from Lord Sidmouth, His Majesty's Principal 
Secretary of State for the Home Department, to the Lord 
Lieutenant of this County, as to the preservation of the 
public tranquility, having been laid before this Court ; 

It is Resolved, 

That we, the acting Magistrates for the County of 
Chester, will, both in our public and private capacities, 
do our utmost to further the views of His Majesty's Go- 
vernment, in preserving the peace and good order of the 
Country. 

That it appears, that various public meetings have lately 
been held in this and the neighbouring counties, at which 
evil disposed and designing persons, taking advantage of 
the depression of trade and the consequent distress, have 
wickedly disseminated inflammatory doctrines; and, under 
the false pretext of Parliamentary Reform, have vilified 
the constituted authorities, inciting thereby the ignorant 
and unwary to insurrection and the commission of crimes, 
which may endanger their personal liberty and lives. 

That we therefore conceive it to be our duty, as it is 
also our determination, to counteract to the utmost of our 
power all such designs ; and we do most earnestly recom- 



6 

mend to all the friends of our King and Constitution, as 
by Law established, to rally round the standard of legal 
authority, and by the manifestation of their principles, 
destroy the baneful effects of blasphemous and seditious 
doctrines, reclaim the deluded, give confidence to the 
loyal, and maintain inviolate our rights, our liberty, and 
our laws. 

And we further recommend, that all well disposed indi- 
viduals be invited to declare their willingness to come for- 
ward in support of the civil power ; and, if necessary, to 
form voluntary Associations for the preservation of the 
public tranquility. 

And we further recommend the Magistrates at their seve- 
ral Petty Sessions, in cases of emergency, to appoint such 
number of the well disposed Inhabitants in their districts 
to be special Constables, as to them shall seem necessary 
for the preservation of the peace. 

Resolved, 

That the Magistrates acting for the hundred of Mac- 
clesfield, be requested to obtain all the information in 
their power as to the proceedings of the disaffected 
in that district; and that this Court do adjourn to an 
early day, for the purpose of receiving their reports, and 
adopting such further measures as circumstances may 
require. 

That it be recommended to the Magistrates in the hun- 
dreds of Bucklow and Macclesfield to act on the present 
occasion as far as possible in concert with the Magistrates 
of the county of Lancaster. 

That these Resolutions be inserted in all the public 
papers published within this county. 

That these resolutions be signed by the Lord Lieute- 
nant on behalf of the meeting. 

STAMFORD and WARRINGTON, 
Lieutenant. 



Birmingham, July 18, 1819. 

My Lord, 

I HAVE great satisfaction in making known to you 
that the meeting held in this place yesterday evening, 
was not attended with any breach of the peace, and that 
the whole assemblage had quietly dispersed before seven 
o'clock. It may not, however, be unacceptable to your 
Lordship, to be acquainted with some small detail of the 
proceedings, as reported to me by various persons em- 
ployed for that purpose. An attempt was first made to 
collect a crowd by a miserable procession (as it was 
called) of Major Cartwright, Wooler, and Edmonds, in 
a street chariot, carrying two flags : they were also ac- 
companied by one Maddocks, whose father was executed 
at Warwick, some years since, upon a Bank prosecution, 
and whose brother is now transported, under a similar 
conviction. Sir Charles Wolseley was not present, hav- 
ing excused himself on account of the death of a near 
relation. The chair was taken by Edmonds, and the 
only speakers were Edmonds, Maddocks, Wooler, Major 
Cartwright, and one Lewis, who had attended Sir C. 
Wolseley at Stockport. The proceedings were confined 
to certain resolutions expressive of the want of reform in 
the representation of the people ; a remonstrance, found- 
ed on those resolutions, and addressed (I believe) to the 
Speaker of the House of Commons; an election of Sir 
Charles Wolseley to be Legislatorial Attorney of the 
people of Birmingham in Parliament for one year, if so 
long he executed his trust faithfully; an exhortation to 
this gentleman to be at his post, on the opening of the 
next session of Parliament, and instructions to him how 
to proceed. All these, I presume, will be printed, when 
your Lordship shall be furnished with a copy. The lan- 
guage held out in the speeches zcas of a very different 
kind from that which we understood to have been used at 



the meetings to the northward, which appears sufficiently 
to prove the knowledge of the speakers, that their au- 
dience, on this occasion, were not prepared to bear that 
language, or to support those who might make use of 
it.(E) The most violent speaker was Lewis ; the tenor of 
all the speeches was, abuse of the body calling itself the 
House of Commons, and abuse of some individuals 
amongst his Majesty's Ministers. 

The crowd assembled has been variously estimated, 
from 10,000 to 25,000 persons ; of these, however, a great 
proportion were women and children. The nature of 
the ground is such, being two sides of an amphitheatre, 
rising to a considerable height, that it is almost impos- 
sible for a person in the crowd to form any estimate of 
numbers. Lord Aylesford and myself, who could survey 
the whole assemblage from the roof of an adjoining 
house, had formed our own opinion, that the number 
could not exceed 10,000. This meeting seems to afford 
good ground of conclusion, that the first open acts of 
violence to which the populace are to be instigated, will 
not take place in this immediate neighbourhood. It is, 
however, (to use the language of this Lewis) "one blow r 
to the existing system ;" and I presume the next meet- 
ing called here, will be to receive the report of what 
occurs upon Sir Charles Wolseley offering to take his 
seat, if he is wild enough, so far, to fall into their 
plans. 

After the meeting, a small party of the principal per- 
formers, and their adherents, adjourned to a low public 
house, to pass the evening ; but I have not heard what 
occurred there. 



(T.) This sentence proves how rash and groundless was the conclusion, in the 
latter part of Mr. Spooner's former letter. Surely, on comparing them together, 
Mr. S. must feel the impiopriety of his unadvised speculations, as to the conduct of 

the people. 



9 

I had the greatest satisfaction in Lord Aylesford's at- 
tendance here, both in his assistance as a magistrate, 
and from his being on the spot, to issue the necessary 
orders for the assembling of the yeomanry, had any dis- 
turbance occurred. His Lordship, as well as myself, 
thought it prudent to remain in the town during the 
whole night. 

I have the honour to be, 

Your Lordship's 
Very faithful and obedient servant, 

ISAAC SPOONER. 
The Viscount Sidmouth, 
&c. &c. &c. 



My Lord, 
I HAVE the honour to inform your Lordship, that I 
have this evening had an interview with Mr. Norris, the 
residing Magistrate, and Mr. Moor, the first Constable, of 
Manchester, who has communicated to me the inclosed 
resolutions of a meeting held in that town, with a view to 
strengthen the civil power ; and these gentlemen have at 
the same time shewed me a letter from your lordship* s 
office, giving them reason to believe, that the offer of an 
armed association, if sanctioned by my recommendation, 
would meet with the approbation of his Majesty'* } s Govern- 
ment ; I therefore lose no time in laying their proposal 
before your lordship, and adding my strongest conviction, 
that its immediate adoption will be highly conducive to the 
preservation of the public peace in the district of Manches- 
ter, and its neighbourhood, and therefore I request your 
lordship to lay it before the Prince Regent with my recom- 
mendation ; and that, if his Royal Highness is pleased 
to approve thereof, you will give immediate directions 
to the proper officers, that the arms and accoutrements 
necessary to give effect to this plan, may be furnished to 
the Association with as little delay as possible. On the 



10 

strength of your lordship's letter, 1 have ventured to de- 
sire 1 may be furnished with a list of the persons whom 
it is wished to recommend as officers, and I shall do my- 
self the honour of forwarding it to your lordship, as soon 
as I receive the same, that, in case the plan is approved, 
the same may be put into execution, with that prompti- 
tude recommended by your lordship, and which I am 
persuaded the exigency of the case requires. 

I have the honour to be, 
My Lord, 
Your Lordship's obedient humble servant, 

DERBY. 
Knowsley, Friday night, 

July 16, 1819. 

The Viscount Sidmouth, 

&c. &c. &c. 



Manchester Police Office, July 16, 1819. 

At a meeting of the Committee " to Strengthen the Civil 

Power," 

JOHN BRADSHAW, Esq. in the Chair, 
The following Resolutions were passed unanimously. 

That, Government having signified their approbation 
of an Armed Association, an offer be immediately made 
by this Committee, through the medium of the Lord 
Lieutenant of this county, of an Armed Association in 
aid of the civil power, and for the protection of the towns 
of Manchester and Salford, and their immediate neigh- 
bourhood ; and that Government be requested, for the 
present, to furnish arms and accoutrements for one thou- 
sand men. 

That this Committee do not conceive that any uniform 
will be necessary for such Armed Association. 



11 

That it is on every account desirable, that the least 
possible sacrifice of time should be required in drilling, 
as it is considered only necessary, that the most simple 
parts of military discipline should be acquired by such 
Association. 

That a deputation, consisting of Mr. Norris, the re- 
sident Magistrate, and Mr. Moor, the first Constable of 
Manchester, do immediately wait upon the Lord Lieute- 
nant of the County, to communicate the foregoing reso- 
lutions, and to take his opinion thereupon. 

JOHN BRADSHAW, Chairman. 



Resolutions' passed at the Meeting held on Hunslet 
Moor, near Leeds, 19th July, 1819: 

Resolved, 

1st. That there is no such thing as servitude in nature : 
and therefore, all statutes and enactments, that have ten- 
dency to injure one part of society for the benefit of the 
other, is a gross violation of the immutable law of God. 

2nd. That as our legislators have, in innumerable in- 
stances, manifested a cruel and criminal indifference to 
our truly distressed situation, and treated our petitions 
with contempt, we therefore make this solemn appeal to 
our oppressed fellow countrymen, praying them to join 
us in forming a National Union, the object of which is 
to obtain an overwhelming majority of the male popula- 
tion, to present such a petition, as can scarcely fail to 
have the desired effect, and to adopt such other consti- 
tutional measures, as may be deemed most expedient to 
procure for us the redress of our manifold grievances. 

3rd. That we are perfectly satisfied that our excellent 
constitution, in its original purity, as it was bequeathed 
to us by our brave ancestors, is fully adequate to all the 



12 

purposes of good government ; we are therefore deter- 
mined not to rest satisfied with any thing short of the 
Constitution — the whole Constitution — and nothing but 
the Constitution. 

4th. That as we are perfectly satisfied that annual par- 
liaments and universal suffrage constitute an essential 
part of our constitution, and are our rightful inheritance — 
we shall consider our grievances unredressed, and our in- 
disputable rights withheld from us, until we are possessed 
of such annual parliament and universal suffrage. 

5. That this meeting cannot but view, with regret, the 
apathy of our should-be-leaders, that is, our men of pro- 
perty, in not supporting our mutual rights, convinced 
that alienation of the rich from the poor must, in the end, 
be the ruin of both ; that whenever oppression or des- 
potism militates, or is the ruin of one, it must, in the 
end, be the destruction of the other; we therefore entreat 
them, ere it be too late, to stand forward and espouse the 
constitutional rights of the people, by endeavouring to 
obtain a radical reform in the system of representation, 
which can alone save the trading and labouring classes 
from ruin. 

6th. That we believe the distresses we now suffer have 
originated in borough-mongering system, aided by a 
depreciated paper currency, which has involved the na- 
tion in one hundred thousand millions of debt, and which 
has increased taxation to such an extent, as lias nearly 
destroyed our manufactures and commerce ; and we are 
perfectly satisfied, that nothing but a currency, convert- 
ible into specie, a rigid economy, and an equal represen- 
tation, can either put an end to our sufferings, or save 
our country from ruin. 

7th. That the Saving Bank scheme, which was insti- 
tuted under a pretence of benefiting the working classes, 
when nearly three-fourths of them were out of employ, 
is an insult to common sense and real understanding, and 



13 

ought to be considered as what it really is, — an engine to 
work the last shilling out of the pockets of a few old 
servants and retired tradesmen, to enable the Bank and 
borough mongers to pay the fractional parts of the divi- 
dends, and to create a sort of lesser fund-holders, of those 
who know no better than to make a deposit of their hard 
earnings to fill the pockets of those who are draining 
them of their last shilling. 

8th. That, as distress has become so general and exten- 
sive, we deem it highly necessary, that deputy meetings 
should be appointed, and out of these deputy meetings 
district meetings, to meet at any place that may be 
thought proper ; that these meetings shall extend through- 
out the three United Kingdoms, and that they do consist 
of men discreet and wise, and out of these shall be ap- 
pointed men to form a National Meeting, that the whole 
may be brought to one focus, in order that they may 
devise the best plan of obtaining a Radical Reform, upon 
the principle of Annual Parliaments, Universal Suffrage, 
and Election by Ballot. 

9th. That no redress can be obtained but from our- 
selves ; that we amply possess the means ; and if we fail 
to adopt them with vigour, and resolutely persevere 
therein, we shall merit every privation we may have to 
endure, and deserve the detestation of posterity, to whom 
we shall leave a greater legacy of tyranny and oppression 
than ever was bequeathed from one generation to an- 
other. 

10th. That should the usurpers of our rights, in order 
to retain their power, proceed to acts of violence 
against the people, and even succeed in incarcerating in- 
dividuals, we earnestly entreat our fellow-countrymen 
not to suffer their exertions to relax, but, on the contrary, 
persevere in the steady path of duty, looking to the 
end, even the salvation of our country ; and our fellow- 
countrymen will endeavour to lighten the fetters, and en- 



14 

liven the dungeons, of those men who are now suffering, 
or may hereafter suffer, in the sacred cause of liberty. 

11th. That we consider it to be the duty of every well- 
meaning subject, to stand with all his might against op- 
pression and partial law ; in doing which, an individual 
exposes himself to destruction, but if the whole commu- 
nity act as one man, success must be the result. 

12th. That every well-wisher to mankind cannot but 
consider it to be his duty to endeavour, by every means 
in his power, to work a thorough reformation in the poli- 
tical and moral state of the country ; and the surest 
mean is to lay aside every sordid maxim of avarice, and 
abandon the restraints of luxury and false ambition, which 
are at present so fatal to the nation. 

13th. That a very small number of men who have 
guided the councils, and have plundered the people in 
order to complete their fraud, have hired the offscouring 
of society to print and publish newspapers, who have 
nearly succeeded in making thousands, who might have 
been the leaders and friends of the people, believe the 
present system was for our good, when they were fatten- 
ing on our property, and reducing all classes of society, 
till they have at last brought us to a strait from whence 
there are no issues but through a radical reform. 

14th. That the passing of corn laws, in opposition to 
the express will of the people — the combination act, in 
order to prevent work people from unitedly attempting 
to raise their wages, in proportion to the advancement 
of provisions — and the imposing a duty on foreign wool, 
at a time when the woollen manufacture, and those em- 
ployed therein, are in the most deplorable condition — ap- 
pear to this meeting proof positive, that until the Mem- 
bers of the Commons House are really appointed by the 
people at large, little improvement is to be expected in 
the circumstances of the people, or diminution of their 
distress. 



15 

15th. That as soon as an eligible person, who will ac- 
cept the appointment, can be found, to represent the un- 
represented part of the inhabitants of Leeds, in the House 
of Commons, another meeting shall be called, for the 
purpose of electing him to that situation. 



New Bailey ) Court House } 

Manchester, 20th July, 1819. 

To the Worshipful the Chairman and Magistrates assem- 
bled at the General Quarter Sessions of „ the Peace for 
the Hundred of Salford. 

THE solemn and important duty which we have been 
called upon to discharge, could not fail to impress most 
forcibly upon our minds a grateful sense of the blessings 
which every individual of this nation enjoys, under the ad- 
ministration of just and equal laws, and under the protection 
of a Constitution so wisely and so excellently framed; and 
we feel it incumbent upon us, thus openly to express our 
united concern and abhorrence, when we observe that 
foul and restless spirit of sedition, which has so long 
been maturing its desperate designs, and has so fre- 
quently disturbed the public peace, assuming at the pre- 
sent moment a tone of defiance, and pursuing a system 
of organization, which unquestionably indicate an ap- 
proaching effort to involve this country in all the horrors 
of a revolution. 

We are fully aware of the alarming crisis at which 
we are arrived, and anxious that the public should be 
awakened to a sense of the danger to which they are ex- 
posed ; we nevertheless feel a strong and well grounded 
confidence in the zeal and loyalty of the great body of 
the people, and in the unanimity with which all good 
and honest men, of every party and persuasion, will stand 



10 

forward in repelling everj r outrage and violence which 
may be attempted, and that they will co-operate with the 
civil authorities in support of our laws and constitution, 
in the maintenance of public peace, and for the security 
of their properties and their lives. 

We are well assured that the Magistrates, and the lo- 
cal authorities, of this district, will adopt every measure 
of precaution, which their wisdom and experience may 
judge necessary for the public safety ; at the same time 
we cannot refrain from stating it as our decided opinion, 
that it is expedient to recommend the immediate esta- 
blishment of Armed Associations, in these towns, and in 
the surrounding districts, for the purpose of strengthen- 
ing and supporting the Civil Power ; and we are per- 
suaded that any recommendation from the Magistrates on 
this subject, will be promptly and most eagerly obeyed. 

But whilst we thus feel the urgent necessity of pro- 
viding for the public security, against every lawless and 
treasonable attempt of the abettors of revolution, we are 
not insensible to the distress which prevails among the 
labouring classes of society, in consequence of the pre- 
sent serious depression of our commerce. We know that 
the wants and privations which the families of the in- 
dustrious labourer now endure, owing to the low rate of 
wages, are extremely severe ; and we feel it our duty to 
recommend the adoption of every possible means for their 
relief and support : but we know at the same time that 
their distresses have no relation at all to the Go- 
vernment or Constitution of this Country ; they arise from 
the state of our trade with foreign countries, and are 
purely of a commercial nature ; and we know that similar 
distress, in a far greater degree, is experienced both in 
America, and throughout the whole Continent of Eu' 
rope. 

It is evident therefore, to the plain reason and under- 
standing of every honest man, that any attempts to dis- 



17 

turb the pnblic tranquility, and to seize this occasion of 
carrying into effect revolutionary designs against the State, 
can only serve to increase and embitter our present mis- 
fortunes ; to interrupt the regular course of trade ; and to 
retard the return of better and more prosperous times : 
and we fervently hope that such of our misguided coun- 
trymen as may have been seduced from their allegi- 
ance will yet seriously pause ; and consider, that if they 
persevere in the wicked course which they are now pur- 
suing, they will inevitably bring upon themselves the just 
and severe punishment of the offended Laws of their 
Country. 

THOS. PEEL. CHRISTR. PARKER. 

JOHN TOUCHET. THOS. WATKINS. 

JOHN HARDMAN. T. WORTHINGTON. 

JAMES KAY. THOS. HELSBY. 

ARTH. CLEGG. THOMAS ENTWISLE. 

WILL. HUTCHINSON. J. S. BARTON. 
WILL. TETLOW. JOHN TETLOW. 

JAS. H. HERON. WILLIAM HATTON. 

WM. LOMAS. WILLIAM HILL. 

A. WHITWORTH. ROBT. HAY. 



Wentworth, 2lst July, 1819. 
My Lord, 

A GENERAL meeting of the people on Hunslet Moor, 
near Leeds, having been fixed for Monday the 19th 
instant, 1 have deferred writing to your Lordship since my 
arrival in the West Riding till that event had taken place. 

From the reports I have received of what passed on 
that occasion, I find that nearly the same orators who took 
a leading part at the preceding meeting at the same place, 
and also at other meetings in the West Riding, again took 
the lead at this; their professed object and means the 
same — Parliamentary Reform through Universal Suf- 

D 



18 

frage, Election by Ballot, and Annual Parliaments, but 
not to be sought for by violence; — to these was added, on 
this occasion, the election of a representative to Parlia- 
ment, whenever a proper one could be met with. The 
resolutions passed were numerous and long ; but I have 
not their particulars as yet, the managers not having yet 
dressed them up to their own liking for print, which I 
suppose they will do in the usual way on such occasions, 
without any very scrupulous attention to what was pro- 
posed and passed by the meeting : however, when printed, 
the sentiments and views of these leaders will be ascer- 
tained — for the present I have to report to your Lordship 
(according to the reports made to me) that the tone of 
these gentlemen was manifestly humble and much lowered, 
compared to that they assumed at the preceding meeting 
at the same place ; so much so, that even an inclination 
to petition Parliament was expressed : — at the close, the 
meeting was dissolved. 

I am given to understand, that scarcely more than half 
the number of the preceding meeting had assembled at 
this, and that the proportion of women was much larger 
at this than at the former : it passed off without the least 
disturbance or tumult; and they dispersed in the most 
peaceable and orderly manner , without insult or affront to 
any one. I have reason to think, that such a termination 
of this meeting was foreseen by the Mayor, founded upon 
an opinion, that the mass of the population within his juris- 
diction is by no means disaffected nor seditiously disposed; 
that they are suffering most cruel privations through want 
of employment y the consequence of stagnation of trade ; 
but I am told, that aware of the cause, they bear their hard 
lot with wonderful patience and resignation : but the very 
circumstance of want of occupation, leads many to make 
part of the throng on occasion of such meetings, without 
being parties in the views of the leaders or participating 
in their sentiments. 



19 

It will be a happy thing if the seditious and dangerous 
language that undoubtedly has been most directly held 
by these itinerant orators can be brought home to them : 
the conviction of any will be a public good ; but, bad as 
the men may be, and indefatigable in propagating their 
doctrines, their mischievous spirit does not pervade the mass 
of the population of the West Riding; on the contrary, 
from all I can collect, I report with confidence to your 
Lordship, that the peace, tranquility, and good order , of 
the Realm, will not be disturbed by these people. 
I have the honour to be, 
My Lord, 
Your Lordship's most obedient, 
&c. &c. &c. 
WENTWORTH FITZWILLIAM. 
Viscount Sidmouth, 
&c. &c. &c. 



Wentworthy Slst July, 1819, 
My Lord, 

CONSIDERING the Assizes at York as the best pos- 
sible opportunity for collecting the general opinion re- 
specting the temper and disposition of the people of the 
Riding, I went thither ; and it is with great satisfaction I 
report to your Lordship, that it appeared the universal 
sentiment, that however much the population of the manu- 
facturing district might suffer under the present stagnation 
of trade, there was no disposition to unite imaginary grie- 
vances with their real distress. They had attended meet- 
ings which had been called, not in the view of taking part 
in the political disquisitions and claims of the itinerant 
orators, but in the hope and expectation that they would 
be directed to the bettering their own condition ; and in- 
deed it is thought, that as far as the assemblage extended 



20 

on those occasions, it was in a great degree owing to their 
real grievance, want of employment: they went, having 
nothing else to do. I am confident I speak the general 
sentiment of those present at York, in saying, that there 
is no cause for suspecting any disposition of the people of 
this Riding } to turbulence or commotion : if there be any 
discontent in their minds, it has nothing to do with con- 
stitutional considerations ; but arises out of the improve- 
ments in the art of manufacture, which diminishes the 
calls for their exertions and industry, and has become to 
them a real afflicting grievance. 

I add likewise, as the prevalent and I believe universal 
opinion of the gentlemen I met at York, that no step 

THAT COULD IN ANY WAY CONVEY A SUSPICION OR 
JEALOUSY OF THE PEOPLE'S VIEWS AND WISHES, SHOULD 

be adopted; but that on the contrary we should prove 

TO THEM, BY OUR OWN DEMEANOUR, OUR OPINION OF 
THEIR GOOD DISPOSITION, AND OUR CONFIDENCE IN 
THEIR GOOD CONDUCT. 

I have the honour to be, 
My Lord, 
Your Lordship's most obedient, 
&c. &c. &c. 
WENTWORTH FITZWILLIAM. 
The Viscount Sidmouth, 
&c &c. &c. 



Stockport, July 24, 1819. 

One o'Clock, A. M. 
Sir, 
BIRCH brought in Harrison at eight o'clock, and was 
followed to his own house, where he lodged him, by a 
mob. 1 took the Justice there to have him committed, and 
we were insulted. — The bail were directed to wait 
upon inc. Whilst I was examining them as to their 



21 

sufficiency, three men came up to Birch and questioned 
him as to Harrison, and that instant one of the three fired 
a pistol at Birch, who was not two yards from the person 
who fired. The bullet lodged in his breast and cannot be 
found. 

I have the honour to be, Sir, 

Your very obedient humble Servant, 

J. LLOYD. 
H. Hobhouse, Esq. 
Under Secretary of State, 
&c. &c. &c. 



Manchester, August 5, 1819. 

My Lord, 

HERE WITH I transmit your Lordship two Hand- 
bills published here, by which you will find that the 
meeting for Monday is put off. This I believe will be 
a great disappointment to the neighbouring Towns, which 
have provided numbers of Flags and Caps of Liberty 
for the ensuing occasion. The drilling parties encrease 
very extensively, and unless some mode be devised of 
putting this system down, it promises to become a most^ 
formidable engine of Rebellion. I expect the operation 
of the Watch and Ward Act will have great effect in 
this instance. 

I have the honour to be, 

My Lord, 
Your Lordship's faithful and humble Servant, 

J. NORRIS. 
To Lord Viscount Sidmouth, 
&c. &c. &c. 



PUBLIC MEETING. 

WE, the undersigned Inhabitant Householders 
of Manchester, having given notice of a Public 



22 



Meeting, intended to have been held here " On Mon- 
day the 9th of August, 1819, on the area near St. Peter's 
Church," which notice was published in the Manchester 
Observer of Saturday last, 3 1st July, do hereby respect- 
fully inform the Public, that after a mature consideration 
of all circumstances, we deem it prudent to acquaint the 
Public, that such Meeting zrill NOT at that time take 
place, and respectfully recommend to our Fellow Towns- 
men and Neighbours, to relinquish their intentions of 

Attending that Meeting, 

for the specific purpose expressed in the Advertisement. 

Our Guardians of the Public Peace having in massy 

placards and large letters declared the said Meeting to be 

illegal, and commanded the People to " abstain from 

ATTENDING THE SAID MEETING AT THEIR PERIL,'' al- 
though these Guardian Angels did not deign to inform 
the Public wherein such illegality consisted : yet, in com- 
pliance with their Mandate, and to give them no just 
ground of opposition or offence, it has been deemed ad- 
visable not to hold such Meeting ; but to request the 
Boroughreeve and Constables to convene another ; which 
Requisition now lies, but will only lie this day, for signa- 
tures at the Observer Office, and at No. 49, Great Ancots- 
street. 

WM. OGDEN, 26, Wood-street. 
JAMES BRADSHAW, 32, Newton-street. 
WM. DRINKWATER, 29, Loom-street. 
THOMAS BOND, 7, John-street. 
JAMES LANG, Spinning-street. 
JOSEPH RHODES, 46, Henry-street. 
EDWARD ROBERTS, 2, Ancots-street. 
TIMOTHY BOOTH, 1, Little Pitt-street. 
THOMAS PLANT, 18, Oak-street. 
JAMES WEIR, 11, Gun-street. 
NATH. MASSEY, 2, School-street. 



23 

The following is a Copy of the Requisition now re- 
maining for signatures at the Observer Office, and 49, 
Great Ancots-street. 

TO THE 

BOROUGHREEVE and CONSTABLES of 
MANCHESTER. 

WE, whose names are hereunto subscribed, request 
that you will convene a meeting at as early a Day as 
possible, to consider the propriety of adopting the most 
legal and effectual means of obtaining a reform in 

the COMMONS HOUSE Of PARLIAMENT, 

Wednesday ) August 4, 1819. 

J. Wroe, Printer, Observer Office, Market-street, Manchester. 



TO THE REQUIS1TIONISTS, 

Who signed the Notice for the Public Meeting on 
Monday next. 

Fellow Citizens, 

ON my return from Liverpool, with the result of the 
important mission which you did me the honour to confide 
into my hands, and in the faithful discharge of my duty 
towards you, and the rest of my Fellow Citizens, I deem 
it necessary thus publicly to inform you, that after taking 
Counsel's Opinion upon the legality of your Public 
Notice, I am instructed by Mr. Ranecock, to say, " that 
the intention of choosing Representatives, contrary to the 
existing law, tends greatly to render the proposed Meet- 
ing seditious ; under those circumstances it would be 
deemed justifiable in the Magistrates to prevent such 
Meeting/' 

In recommending you to withdraw your Notice, and 
relinquish your intention of meeting your neighbours on 
the important subjects intended to have been discussed on 



24 

Monday next, I deem it necessary to state to you and to 
the public, that in the opinion of the most enlightened 
friends to Liberty, resident in Liverpool, your Requisi- 
tion is perfectly legal and constitutional ; they are, never- 
theless, induced to recommend this pause in your pro- 
ceedings, merely in consideration of the cruel threats of 
violence issued in a paper* from the Bench of Magistrates, 
since the publication of your notice, and of the evident 
preparations now making to carry those threats into execu- 
tion. I am acquainted with your necessities — I know the 
honesty of your intentions, — and the lawful means you 
are desirous of pursuing ; but in a question of absolute 
right, you are not prepared to defend yourselves ; I there- 
fore do not deem it advisable, under the present circum- 
stances, to subject the persons of yourselves or your friends 
to the illegal and unconstitutional violence which your 
oppressors and their contemptible tools have prepared for 
the occasion. 

The formidable preparations which your Tyrants have 
made to meet you, their unarmed and suffering victims, is 
the highest compliment in their power to bestow upon 
you : it is more even than you could hope to gain by the 
Meeting ; you therefore may relinquish the objectionable 
parts of your requisition without regret, or even the 
shadow of a defeat. 

Col. Williams, a County Magistrate, had the honest 
boldness on Monday last at the Liverpool Quarter Ses- 
sions, to advocate your cause, and the cause of the Lanca- 
shire Reformers, before his brother Magistrates : lie con- 
founded the whole Bench ; not one man being disposed 
to reply to the constitutional arguments of this faithful 
and sincere friend of his Country. 



* The fact is, the publication issued from the Bench peremptorily commands all 
persons to attend the Meeting, when a contrary meaning' was intended to have 
been conveyed. 



25 

I beg leave to conclude with reminding you, and all 
the friends of liberty and justice, that our cause grows and 
gathers strength with the plunderings of our enemies ; 
whilst their rapacity must not only destroy the means of 
their own existence, but must, ere long, turn them to the 
destruction of each other. 

I am, very faithfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. T. SAXTON. 
Manchester Observer Office, August 4, 1819. 

Printed by J. JVroe, Observer- Office, Manchester. 



Bolton le Moors, August 10, 1819. 
Sir, 
By Colonel Fletcher's directions, I send herewith co- 
pies of the informations taken against George Greenhalgh 
and others. 

And have the honour to be, 
Sir, 
Your most obedient servant, 

JOHN XIAVALD. 
Henry Hobhouse, Esq. 

Lancashire ~>The information of S.N., S. E., D. N., and 

to wit. $D. R., all of Bury in the said County, takeu 

before me, one of His Majesty's Justices of the 

peace for the said County, the 7th day of 

August, 181k 

Who all upon their oath say, that in various parts of 
the neighbourhood of Bury aforesaid, there are nightly 
assemblies of great numbers of men, who meet together, 
to learn and practise Military Training, which these in- 
formants verily believe to be intended to qualify them for 
hostile purposes against the government of the country, 

E 



26 

and against the peace of our Lord the King, his Crown 
and Dignity, and to the disturbance of them, these in- 
formants, who hereby assert their fears for their own per- 
sonal safety ; and therefore they, these informants, pray 
that these men so training in large bodies, to the terror 
of his Majesty's subjects, may be apprehended and com- 
mitted to find sureties for the peace. 

S.N. 

S. E. 

D.N. 

D.R. 
Sworn before me, 

Ra. Fletcher. 

Lancashire "}The information of James Haslam, of Great 
to wit. 3 Bolton, in the said County, Book-keeper, 
taken upon oath before us, two of his Ma- 
jesty's Justices of the peace, in and for the 
said County, the 9th day of August, 1819. 

Who saith, That on Saturday evening last, about half 
past seven o'clock, informant, with Mr. William Web- 
ster, were in the valley between Mr. Whitehead's and 
Cockey Moor, and informant saw many persons drilling 
on the Moor in a military manner — there might be about 
150 or 200 persons : informant watched them from about 
a quarter of an hour to half an hour : that amongst the 
persons drilling was John Hargreaves, one of the persons 
now in custody. Hargreaves was one who gave the word 
of command; They were in open column when informant 
first saw them, and then wheeled into line. Hargreaves 
was in front, and appeared to give the word of command 
to one division : that about midnight, or a little after- 
wards, informant and several others apprehended Har- 
greaves. Informant challenged him with having been 
drilling persons on Cockey Moor : Hargreaves at first 
denied it, but on informant telling him that he (Har- 



27 

greaves) had wheeled them into line, Hargreaves acknow- 
ledged that he had done so; and he then said, if they 
would but be merciful to him, he would do so no more. 

JAMES HASLAM. 
Sworu before Ra. Fletcher, 

James Watkins. 

The information of Arthur Taylor, of Great Bolton, 
Warper, taken on the same day. 

Who saith, That he went, by direction of the Magis- 
trates, to Cockey Moor, on Saturday evening, to observe 
the persons that were suspected to be drilling, or training 
and exercising there : that it was about a quarter past 
eight in the evening, when informant got to the Moor ; 
there were about one hundred persons drilling. The pri- 
soner, George Greenhalgh, was giving the word of com- 
mand to about thirty-six men; they were in open co- 
lumn, told off in three or four divisions, when informant 
got to them. They had been marching in files when in- 
formant first saw them. George Greenhalgh ordered 
them to form the line ; they then advanced in line, and 
they did many other manoeuvres, George Greenhalgh 
giving the word of command. Informant was close to them. 
There were two other divisions on the moor, exercising 
under the command of other persons : these two other 
divisions had each about the same number of men as that 
under George Greenhalgh : that informant, with several 
others, apprehended George Greenhalgh that night : that 
informant, on Greenhalgh being apprehended, asked him 
if he had been in the array ? he'said u Yes, a little ; he had 
been in the Bury Volunteers. Informant asked him what 
they were drilling for ? and he replied, only to* go to the 
meeting at Manchester, on Monday, so that they might 
march to the band. 

ARTHUR TAYLOR. 
Sworn before Ra. Fletcher, 
Jas. Watkins. 



28 

The information of Samuel Fletcher, of Little Lever, 
Collier, taken the same day. 

Who saitb, That on Saturday last, informant was on 
Cockey Moor, about seven o'clock in the evening, and 
informant observed many persons on the Moor; there 
might be about two hundred ; they were drilling in a mi- 
litary way, in different squads, and obeying the words 
of command given by different drill-masters : that infor- 
mant saw them drilling for about two hours ; that about 
one or two o'clock in the morning, George Greenhalgh, 
one of the persons now in custody, was in the room at 
Starling, with several other persons also taken into 
custody. There were mair> r persons in the room, and in 
the course of conversation, George Greenhalgh said, that 
the meaning of their drilling was, that they might come 
to that perfection, so that they might join their friends 
and neighbours in Bury, and the neighbourhood, and form 
themselves into a body at Bury, and march in order with 
music to the Manchester meeting. He also said, that the 
meeting would have been on Monday next, (this day) but 
it was considered to be illegal, and of course it was post- 
poned until the Monday following, and now a requisi- 
tion to the Boroughreeve and Constables of Manchester, 
was signed by more than two thousand inhabitants. In- 
formant asked him, " What the meaning of such a meet- 
ing could be ?" George Greenhalgh said, the meaning 
of such a meeting was, that the country should be properly 
represented. Informant said, he thought the country was 
represented ; and George Greenhalgh replied, " No, 
there zcas Manchester, Bolton, Bury, and many other 
towns, that were not represented at all, and it was meant 

that they should be." 

SAM. FLETCHER. 

Sworn before Ra. Fletcher. 

J as. Watkins. 



29 

The Examination of George Greenhalgh, of Walshaw 
Lane, iaTotiington, Weaver, taken the same day ; 

Saith, I was drilling men on Cockey Moor, on Satur- 
day evening last; there was nobody that I know of, be- 
sides myself drilling them ; there were two squads in the 
lane. I did not see Edward Rothwell drilling in parti- 
cular, but I believe he was there, and might be drilling ; 
there were about twenty-five in a squad I was drilling ; 
I have heard they have drilled at Woolfold. Charley 
Hill, I believe, was not on the Moor on Saturday, but he 
was with me there on Monday evening last. It was wished 
that all the parish of Burg, who had imbibed the spirit of 
reform, should muster, to go all together to Manchester 
meeting. The reason that set me upon drilling, was the 
rumours of the country, and from reading the Observer 
Paper. / exhorted my neighbours on Cockey Moor to a 
peaceable conduct, and hoped none of them were for revo- 
lution and plunder; if they were, I hoped they would be 
mistaken. The first night we met, was on Monday last ; 
there were upwards of one hundred ; it was accidental 
how many men there were in a section. On Monday night 
Charles Hill and John Holt were drill-masters ; I was in 
the ranks. We have met three times, on Monday, 
Thursday, and Saturday last. 

GEORGE GREENHALGH. 

Taken before Ra. Fletcher. 

Jas. Watkins. 



The Examination of John Hargreaves, of Tottington, 
Weaver, taken the same day ; 
Saith, That I was not on Cockey Moor, on Saturday 
evening last, nor was ever at any meeting but one, and 
that was on Monday last, and then I gave the word of 
command to a small party. I was in the military service 



30 

thirty-six years ago; 1 was at the siege of Gibraltar. 
On Monday last, when I took the command of a small 
party, there were other parties on the Moor, but I do not 
know any one that commanded besides me ; they were in 
divisions, and the divisions were at some distance from 
each other. I have heard that the parties that were dril- 
lings were to meet at Bury this da?/ to go to the meeting at 
Manchester. 

The;*! Mark of 

JOHN HARGREAVES. 
Taken before Ra. Fletcher. 

Jas. Watkins. 

The Examination of Charles Hill, of Woolfold, in Tot- 
tington, Weaver, taken the same day ; 

Saith, I was on Cockey Moor, on Monday night last, 
with other persons ; they wanted me to drill them. I had 
been in the second regiment of Lancashire Militia, and 
was discharged at the first peace with Bonaparte. I did 
drill the persons on the Moor for a short time on Monday 
night last ; I was coaxed to do it. I cannot tell how 
many persons there were on the Moor that night ; there 
might be a hundred ; they were in different squads ; the 
squads I drilled might consist of twenty or thirty. — 
George Greenhalgh, John Hargreaves, and John Holt, 
were drilling other squads that evening. I was not there 
on Thursday nor Saturday. Adam Ridings, a neighbour 
of mine, who has been a soldier, went with me to the 
Moox ; I do not know who it was that coaxed me to drill 
them ; there were several who desired me to step out ; it 
was near dark, and I do not know their names. / did hear 
that we were to go to Bury this morning, and join others y 
and proceed to Manchester to the meeting for parliamentary 
reform. I heard there was a requisition for choosing a 
representative, or something in that manner ; we were all 
to have gone this morning to Manchester ; we were or- 
dered to go, and many would have gone ; but on Friday 



31 

I heard that the meeting was done away with. / did not 
go to any drilling after 1 saw the paper from the Magis- 
trates forbidding the meeting at Manchester. 

CHARLES HILL. 
Sworn before Ra. Fletcher. 
Jas. Watkins. 

The Examination of John Holt, of Elton, Weaver, taken 
the same day ; 
Saith, I was with other persons drilling on Cockey 
Moor, on Monday night last ; there were different squads 
on the Moor, and I joined them ; I was desired to get 
into tjie front, and give them the step. I have been in 
the Militia. I cannot tell who I saw there ; I did not see 
Edward Rothweli ; there might be about three hundred 
in the whole ; from two to three hundred ; lads and all, 
about three hundred. I gave no word of command, the 
fugleman gives no word ; Jouly gave the step. There 
were more than twenty or thirty ; there might be forty in 
the squad to which I gave the step. I did not give the 
word, but I gave them the time. I was not there on 
Thursday, nor on Saturday. 1 think I saw George Green- 
halgh on the Monday evening on the Moor, drilling ; 
Charles Hill was there ; the man that drilled them I know 
by sight, but do not recollect his name ; he lives in Tot- 
tington, or Woolfold, on that side of the country. 

The t*|Markof 

JOHN HOLT 

Taken before Ra: Fletcher. 
Jas. Watkins. 



Rochdale, 10th August, 1819. 
My Lord, 
With the concurrence of my Brother Magistrates, I beg 
leave to hand to your Lordship, copies of informations, 



32 

taken relative io meetings of Reformers which have been 
held in this neighbourhood for several weeks past. These 
informations speak as to the proceedings of such assem- 
blies, consequently 1 need not repeat them here. They 
certainly appear to us unlawful meetings, calculated to 
increase the number and power of the disaffected, and 
therefore ought to be suppressed. 

I have the honour to subscribe myself, 
My Lord, 

Your Lordship's most 

obedient humble Servant, 

JNO. CROSSLEY. 

To Viscount Sidmouth. 



Lancashire ")The Examination of A. H. a special Consta- 
to wit. 3ble, taken upon Oath at Rochdale, in the 
County of Lancaster, the 10th of August, 
1819, before me, John Crossley, Esq. one 
of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace, in 
and for the said County ; 
Who says, That about one o'clock in the morning of 
Sunday last, a large assembly of persons, to the number 
of two hundred or upwards, met at the Guide Post, 
which is near to the Parish Church of Rochdale ; that 
they had a fifer with them, who played upon that instru- 
ment ; that the persons so assembled remained about an 
hour, and then marched away towards Milkstone, which 
is the direction of Tandle Hill in Thornham ; there was a 
person who commanded and ordered the persons to fall in 
four deep, and so to marcli ; that none of the parties were 
known lo the Examinant. 

A.B. 
Sworn before me, John Crossley. 



38 

LancashireYThe Examination of B. C. taken upon Oath 
to wit. ydt Rochdale, in the County of Lancaster, the 
9th day of August, 1819, before us, John 
Beswick and John Crossley, Esquires, two 
of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace in 
and for the said County ; 
Who says, That yesterday morning I left my residence 
at High Crompton, between the hours of four and five, and 
proceeded to a place in Thornham, called Tandle Hill ; 
that, on my arrival at this place, a large concourse of per- 
sons had assembled, to the number of two or three thou- 
sand ; that of this number there were upwards of seven 
hundred who were drilling in companies, by marching 
both in slow, quick, and double quick time ; and in every 
other respect went through the usual evolutions of a regi- 
ment ; that each company might contain from fifty to 
sixty men, and were commanded by a person in the cha- 
racter of a captain ; that when they were ordered to fire, 
it was immediately followed by a clap of hands throughout 
the line ; that, out of the number who were met, I knew a 
few persons who reside at Crompton, and its neighbour- 
hood ; but, of the men who were acting as drill-serjeants, 
or officers of companies, I know nothing ; yet, from my 
knowledge of military discipline, I am satisfied they were 
persons capable of organizing a regiment ; that, whilst I 
was on the ground, I heard persons say, that they (mean- 
ing the parties in drill) were fit to contend with any re- 
gular troops, only that they wanted arms ; and, in the 
evening of yesterday, a man told me who had been at 
Tandle Hill, and who said he had been drilled that day, 
that a similar meeting would take place next Sunday, but 
that would be the last ; that the persons remained on the 
ground, until about seven o'clock, having been there up- 
wards of three hours, and the whole of this time was devo- 
ted to drilling. B. C. 
Sworn before John Beswick and John Crossley. 



34 

Boltori'le- Moors, 10th August, 1819. 
My Lord, 

THE increasing spirit of disaffection had, about ten 
days ago, extended itself, in military training, to a place 
between Bury and Bolton, about two miles from the for- 
mer, and four miles from the latter town. 

The number of persons in training at said place was re- 
ported to have been about three hundred, on Monday the 
2nd instant, and likely to be further increased, unless 
some check could be interposed. Four principal inhabi- 
tants of Bury waited on the Magistrates, to state their utter 
inability to resist the torrent of disaffection without mili- 
tary aid ; and that persons proper to serve as special con- 
stables were so intimidated, that without the presence of 
some military, they doubted their ability to induce them 
to come forward to be sworn on the day appointed for that 
purpose, viz. Friday next. — Under such circumstances, 
it appeared to a brother Magistrate and myself, expedient 
to apprehend any persons that might meet again at the 
said place for training purposes ; and having taken an in- 
formation, on oath, from the before-mentioned gentlemen 
of Bury, and made arrangements with some officers of our 
Bolton Local Militia, (who were to go previously on a 
reconnoitring party) we, with a troop of the sixth carabi- 
neers, commanded by Captain Ferguson, went to the spot 
on Saturday, about ten p. m. but found the training just 
broken up, having, as it is supposed, heard of our inten- 
tions. 

Our reconnoitring party having, however, observed the 
training for the space of an hour, and learnt the names of 
some of the drill instructors, we caused four persons to be 
apprehended and conveyed to Bolton, who were yesterday 
examined, and all confessed their having attended at some 
of the training meetings, and expressed great contrition 
for having so done. They were all four admitted to bail, 



35 

to answer, in fifty pounds each prisoner, and two sureties 
each in twenty-five pounds, any indictment that may be 
preferred against them at the next Salford Sessions ; and 
in the mean time, not to attend any such training assem- 
blies, but to keep the peace, &c. Copies of the informa- 
tions, examinations, &c. will be forwarded by Mr. Ravald 
to Mr. Hobhouse*. 

It appears from what one of the prisoners confessed, 
that he had imbibed his reforming notions from the Man- 
chester Observer; which, it seems, he was in the habit of 
reading for the information of his neighbours. From 
this corrupt source has flowed into this county a consider- 
able portion of that disaffection that prevails. 

By the apprehension of these men, 1 trust, will be stop- 
ped any further spread of the training system to the west- 
ward, within our magisterial division. 

From Bury to the south-eastward, the military prepa- 
rations continue without any diminution. The detail of 
their proceedings, proves the alarming progress in the 
daring boldness of such multitudes of men, arrogating to 
themselves what belongs to Royalty alone, the power of 
training men in military tactics, for no other purpose that 
can be reasonably imagined, than hostility to the State. 

At Leigh, (about eight miles south-westward of this 
town) the advertized meeting will be held to-morrow. 
The Magistrates of Bolton and Warrington divisions are 
to meet at Hulton Park this day, to consult on the proper 
measures. 

The female Reformers are to act a conspicuous part, by 
addressing the assemblage from the hustings, and furnish- 
ing a cap of liberty. Hunt and his party are said to be 
invited. 

The effect of such meetings, so demoralizing and so ter- 
rifying to His Majesty's loyal subjects, (who, if they step 



* See page 25^ &c. 



30 

forward, as in duty bound, in the defence of the peace and 
order of society, are immediately put under a sort of in- 
terdict, by these Reformers, and deprived of their usual 
share of business., and even exposed to personal dangers) 
that I am inclined to think, under whatever pretext they 
may be called, they ought to be suppressed, (f) 

RA. FLETCHER. 
The Riffht Honourable Lord Viscount Sidmouth. 



(F) From these numerous affidavits it clearly appears, that the object of the 
drilling which has been so much talked of, and excited so much alarm — which has 
been called by one magistrate, " a most formidable Engine of Rebellion," and for 
which it is stated by another, that u no other purpose can reasonably be imagined, 
than hostility to the state'''— was merely to enable the people to proceed with greater 
regularity to the approaching meeting at Manchester. 

The examination of Arthur Taylor, Samuel Fletcher, George Greenhalgh, John 
Hargreaves, and of Charles Hall, all from the neighbourhood of Bury, are upon 
this point coincident and conclusive. The deposition of B. C. at Rochdale, who 
was told by one of the drillers, M that next Sunday, (the 15th August,) would be the 
last meeting" leads to the same conclusion, which is still further confirmed by the 
depositions of F. G., G. H., and H. I., with respect to the drilling at Failsworth. 
From the evidence of George Greenhalgh, it likewise appears, that in the neighbour- 
hood of Bury, the drilling only lasted from Monday the 2nd to Saturday the 7th 
August ; which statement is confirmed by the introductory paragraph of a letter from 
Col. Fletcher to Lord Sidmouth, dated the 10th August, as follows. " The encreas- 
ing spirit of disaffection had, about 10 days ago, extended itself in military training, 
to a place between Bury and Bolton, &c" whilst the peaceable disposition of these 
poor men is manifested by the conduct and declaration of him who appears to have 
been their leader, and who, being asked by Samuel Fletcher, " what the meaning of 
such a meeting as that at Manchester could be ?" answered, " The meaning of 
such a meeting was that tlie country should be properly represented ;" whilst Green- 
halgh himself says, in his examination, " I exhorted my neighbours on Cockey 
Moor to a peaceable conduct, and hoped none, of them were for Revolution and Plun- 
der ; if they were, I hoped they would be mistaJcen." The fact, that the people were 
not aware that they committed any offence against the law in drilling, is evidenced 
by the publicity with which they practised it. Haslam saw them engaged in it 
about half-past seven o'clock in the evening, on the 7th of August, when it was of 
course broad day-light. Samuel Fletcher names 7 o'clock. B. C. fixes the same 
hour in the morning. K. L., L. M., and M. N., depose to the marching of about 
200 persons between 9 and 10 o'clock in the evening, " into the town of 
bury." N. O. saw persons " drilled ON THE HIGH ROAD, at Heap Bridge. O. 
P. saw from two to four hundred returning from drill " along the Turnpike Road," 
upon which he was passing towards Rochdale in a stage coach, at M a little past 
seven o'clock" in the morning. It is worthy of remark too that, although George 



3? 

Manchester, August 11, 1819. 
Sir, 
THE requisition for the Leigh meeting was signed by 
twenty-five persons, specifically for the object of discuss- 
ing and adopting some constitutional and practical remedy 
in reforming parliament, and averting the present distress. 
The meeting was fixed for one o'clock in the afternoon. 

During the morning a great concourse of the lower or- 
der of people were waiting for the arrival of Mr. Hunt, 
whose presence was anxiously expected, in consequence 
of which, the meeting was delayed until past two o'clock. 
Mr. Hunt, and none of his partisans forthcoming, it was 
deemed necessary to commence the proceedings of the day. 
Two carts were lashed together in the market place, (a 
fine open space of ground), when Mr. Battersby, (an iti- 
nerant preacher,) Mr. Thomas Cleworth, and a Mr. Bam- 
ber, (one of the society of friends) with several others, as- 
cended the platform. 

As soon as Mr. Bamber was chosen for their chairman, 
a parade of the female reformers took place, headed by a 
committee of twelve young women. The members of the 
female committee were honoured with places in the carts. 



Greenhalgh, John Hargreaves, Charles Hill, and John Holt, appear to have heen 
the four drill Sergeants, whose apprehension is noticed in Wheeler's Manchester 
Chronicle of the 14th of August, and who are there stated, as they are also in Col. 
Fletcher's letter of the 10th August, to have been held to bail, none of them were 
called upon at the Sessions, nor are their names even inserted in the calendar. Con- 
sequently no bills were presented against them. With the single exception of that 
of E. F., all the depositions agree in thefacts, that the persons drilling had no arms : 
to his statement therefore in opposition to all the rest, and knowing nothing of the 
veracity of the person by whom it was made, I do not attach much credit. The 
supplementary affidavit of D. C. seems fairly liable in some respects to the same 
objections. 

Col. Fletcher's hostility to public meetings has long been known ; but his zeal ap- 
pears to have outstripped his judgment, in remarking, " that under whatever pretext 
they may be called^ they ought to be suppressed ,•" since so complete an interdict would 
demolish his own favorite Orange Meetings— \ forget, however— those meetings are 
secret^ consequently less constitutional. 



38 

They were dressed in white, with black sashes ; and what 
was more novel, these women planted a standard with an 
inscription, " No Corn Laws, Annual Parliaments, and 
Universal Suffrage ;" as well as another standard, sur- 
mounted with the cap of liberty, on the platform. Both 
the flag and the cap were presents from the Ladies' 1 
Union ! ! 

After the business was opened by Mr. Battersby, and 
seven resolutions, as well as the ladies' address, had been 
read, Mr. Turner, at the head of the police, made their 
appearance, and took Mr. Thomas Cleworth into custody 
upon a warrant of the Magistrates. About 300 people 
were now concentrated ; the officers took their man without 
opposition, and this vigilant step threw dismay in the 
ranks of the reformers, many of whom I saw dispersing ni 
all directions, (g) 



Manchester, August 12, 1819. 

My Lord, 

HEREWITH I have the honour to transmit your 
Lordship certain depositions, as well respecting the situ- 
ation in which certain parts of this town have been during 
the last week, as respecting the practice of drilling, which 
has so extensively taken place in this and the surrounding 
neighbourhood. Many more are in existence, and may 
be added to the number, but I apprehend those which I 



(G) The arrest of Cleworth, during the Leigh meeting, is another instance of 
those experiments upon the forbearance of the people, of which the late Lord Mayor 
Atkins set the first example at Smithfield. It is difficult to conceive what object 
could dictate the choice of such a moment for taking an individual into custody, ex- 
cept a desire to ascertain precisely to what extent of provocation the people would 
passively submit. It cannot, as has been alleged, have been desired simply to 
maintain the uncompromising dignity of the law, for the influence of that attribute 
always ceases wherever passion is manifested. 



39 

now send will be sufficient to assure your Lordship of this 
alarming practice. They affect to say, that it is for the 
purpose of appearing at Manchester in better order, &c. 
on Monday next ; but military discipline was not requisite 
for this purpose, and a more alarming object is so palpable 
that it is impossible not to feel a moral conviction that in- 
surrection and rebellion is their ulterior object, (h) 

To Lord Viscount Sidmouth, J. NORRIS. 

&c. &c. &c. 

Lancashire, ^The examination of C . D . taken on oath at Sal- 
to wit. iford, this 5th day of August, 18 1 9, who saith, 

THAT last night about nine o'clock he was returning 
home from Failsworth : it was dark, but at the distance of 
two fields from the road along which he was going, he 
heard the marching of a body of men, and several times 
heard the words of command, " March" and " Halt." He 
remained listening about a quarter of an hour, and got 
upon the hedge side, but it was too dark for him to see 
the body of men ; from the sound he heard he has no 
doubt there were a considerable number of men, but he 
cannot state any number as to the particulars. Examin- 
ant durst not go to the spot. 

Sworn before me, C. D. 

W. Marriott. 



(H) The depositions with respect to training, as I have before shewn, exhibit no 
motive whatever for it, except that of attending the Manchester Meeting with good 
order and regularity ; yet in spite of their concurrent testimony, though made by 
different persons, without the possibility of concert, taken by different Magistrates, 
and relating to different places, Mr. Norris speaks of their avowed purpose as an 
" affected''' one, and concludes by saying " a more alarming object is so palpable, 
that it is impossible not to feel a moral conviction that Insurrection and Rebellion is 
their ulterior object" This " moral conviction" in direct opposition to evidence, may 
suit Lord SIdmouth's notions of justice, but will be appreciated as it deserves, by 
the enlightened Inhabitants of England. 



40 

Lancashire to wit. 

D. E. says, that last night about a quarter before nine 
o'clock, he was in Failsworth, and saw between four and 
five hundred men marching in a field in Failsworth be- 
longing to Robert Bury — he heard the words of command, 
« March," " Halt," " wheel to Right and Left," and other 
words given — the men had no arms — they dispersed about 
ten o'clock and were ordered to meet again this night. 

Sworn before me, 5th August, 1819, 

J. Norris. D. E. 

Lancashire to wit. 
The information and examination of E. F. taken upon 
oath the 31st day of July, 1819, before me, one of His 
Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the county of Lancas- 
ter, who saith, that on the 19th day of July, 1819, coming 
from Dry Clough in the township of Oldbam, towards the 
town of Oldham, he met with three men who had all pikes 
in their hands, the length of which, when the dagger was 
drawn out, was about two yards long; which said three 
men were going to join a party of about forty in a field at 
a little distance, who had likewise some pikes with them, 
but cannot say how many, and assembled at the sound of 
a bugle. On the same day, he saw at least one hundred 
persons near Hey Side assembled together with some pikes 
amongst them. 
Sworn before me, E. F. 

J. Holme. 

Lancashire to wit. 
F. G. maketh oath and saith, That on Thursday night, 
the 5th of August, he went to a field in the township of 
Failsworth, belonging to Robert Bury, where he saw 
about ninety persons, divided in four divisions and a small 
division which they called the aukward squad ; that there 
was a man to give the word of command ; that deponent 
heard them commanded to march to the right and left, to 



41 

wheel, fire, &c. that the men had no fire arms, but when 
the word " fire" was given they clapped their hands alto- 
gether ; that after they had done exercising, they formed 
a circle round their commander, who told them, that the 
intended meeting was put off, on account of their paper 
being illegal, but that would give them more time 
to drill : he then said they must have a colour, and 
that they must subscribe ; that the man then took off his 
hat, and gathered round from some a penny, and from 
others a halfpenny each 5 that there were a quantity of 
women in the field, and the leader of the men called to 
them to come into the ring, and said they must subscribe 
also, and that he wanted twelve young ladies to carry their 
colours, for he was certain if there was a regiment of 
soldiers drawn up to oppose them, they could not find in 
their hearts to hurt them : that their leader proposed, that 
as Bury, the owner of the field, had given them leave to drill 
in it three weeks, he should have the honour of their march- 
ing out of it; that the persons assembled did not offer to 
molest deponent, but damned him for being backward in 
falling in. 

G. H. and H. I. having respectively read over the 
affidavit of F. G. severally make oath that the same 
is true. 

Sworn at Manchester aforesaid, the^v (Signed) 
7th day of August, 1819, before J 
me, one of his Majesty's Justices I F. G. 

of the Peace for the County of? ' G. H. 

Lancaster, | H. I. 

J. Norris. Jf 

Lancashire to wit. 

I. K. says, That on Sunday morning last, about five 
o'clock, in company with * * * he went to Thornham or 
Tandle Hills, near Middleton, and there saw two or three 



42 

thousand men, and a number of them exercising in military 
order; — they had no arms-, but he heard distinctly the 
words of command, " Quick march," and " Double quick 
march." Deponent particularly noticed one company 
of about one hundred, march in wings under their leader, 
and advance also in wings ; that the right wing advanced 
first, and the words of command, " Fire, front rank knee- 
ling," and when the word of command " Fire" was given, 
they clapped their hands ; the leader then advanced the 
left wing in the same order as the right, and ordered them 
to fire; this was repeated several times. Deponent and 
Mr. * * * being informed they were to assemble at Slat- 
tocks in Thornham, near Middleton aforesaid, they re- 
paired thither, and Deponent and Mr. *■* * placed them- 
selves by the road side, in order to ascertain their numbers, 
when they passed Deponent and Mr. * * * marching in 
military order four deep, when they counted seven 
hundred men. 

Sworn before me at Salford, this I. K. 

10th day of August, 1819. J. Norris. 

K. L. L. M. and M. N. severally make oath and say, 
That having been frequently informed that a great many 
of the disaffected inhabitants of Bury, and the neighbour- 
hood, made it a practice to meet or assemble in large 
bodies to learn military exercise, and that such persons 
met four or five evenings in a week for that purpose ; 
these Deponents went in company together on Monday 
the second of August instant, towards the place where 
they understood such persons generally met; that they 
had not proceeded more than two or three hundred yards 
out of the town of Bury, on the Rochdale turnpike road, 
before they met about two hundred persons, so near as 
these Deponents could calculate, between the hours of nine 



43 

and ten o'clock in the evening, marching in regular military 
order four deep into the town of bury. 

K. L. 
(Signed) L. M. 

M.N. 
Sworn at Bury aforesaid, the 9th day 
of August, 1819, before me, 

Sam. Woodcock, 
a Master Extraordinary in Chancery, 

Lancashire to wit. 

D. E. maketh oath and saitb, that in addition to his de- 
position made on the 5th instant, that on the night in ques- 
tion, viz. the 4th of August, this deponent, in endeavour- 
ing to approach the field where the men were training, 
and when he was within a field from them, and looking 
over the hedge, a man came up to deponent and said, 
" Halt ;" that deponent was walking away, and the man 
again said, " Halt ;" when deponent said, " if I halt, it 
will be With a different commander than you," and con- 
tinued to walk away ; that the man followed deponent to- 
wards a wood in the neighbourhood ; when near it, the 
man said, " If 1 catch you, or any other man in the wood, 
or near it, watching me and others, will be as bad as taking 
your life from you." 

This deponent also says, that on the same night he heard 
a person in the field where the men were assembled, call, 
— U Failsworth, Woodhouses, Newton, and Droylsden, 
(t (being townships in the neighbourhood) if any of you 
" can afford to give a halfpenny or a penny a piece, you 
u must come forward to-morrow night at half past seven 
u o'clock," and said, " We will have colours same as the 
" rest;" meaning, as this deponent believes, that they 
would have colours because other parties at drill in dif- 
ferent parts had already obtained them ; that deponent 
then heard a discussion about them as to whether ihey 



44 

should be blue or otherwise, when one of the persons ob- 
served, " Damn the?n, we will not be true blue any 
(t longer, we have been true blue long enough.^ 

This deponent further saith, that about half-past nine 
o'clock on Thursday the 5th instant, he went to a field in 
the neighbourhood of Failsworth, belonging to Robert 
Bury, and observed from the hedge a party of men at 
drill, and heard the word of command given several 
times; and that in an adjoining field, deponent heard the 
word of command given to another party also at drill. 

Sworn at Manchester, in the county of 

Lancaster, the 7th day of August, f D. E. 

1S19, before me one of His Majesty's 
Justices for the same county, 

J. Norris. 



Dunham Massei/ ? August 12, 1819. 

My Lord, 

I HAVE the honour to enclose your Lordship a Copy 
of a Resolution made at the adjourned General Quarter 
Sessions for the County of Chester, held at Nether Knuts- 
ford, on Monday the 9th of August, 1819. 

I have the honour to be, 
My Lord, 
Your Lordship's most obedient humble Servant, 
STAMFORD & WARRINGTON, 
Lieutenant. 
The Viscount Sidmouth, 
&c. &c. &c. 

At an Adjournment of the General Quarter Sessions for 
the County of Chester, held at Nether Knutsford, on Mon- 
day the 9th of August, 1819; 



45 

Present, Sir John Thomas Stanley, Bart. Chairman. 
The Earl of Stamford and Warrington, His Majesty's 
Lieutenant, 
Peter Brooke, Esq. 
Edwin Corbett, Esq. 
Davies Davenport, Esq. 
Wilbraham Egerton, Esq. 
John Ford, Esq. 
John Clegg, Esq. 
Egerton Leigh, Esq. 
Thomas Parker, Esq. 
Edward Stracey, Esq. 
Edward Venables Townshend, Esq. 
Trafford Trafford, Esq. 
Thomas William Tatton, Esq. 
Randle Wilbraham, Esq. 
John Brown, Clerk. 
James Thomas Law, Clerk. 
John Holdsworth Mallory, Clerk. 

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Court, that 
meetings are held in this and the neighbouring counties 
for the purpose of training to arms and seditious purposes ; 
and also, that there are schools, consisting of some thou- 
sands of young persons, in which principles of a most dan- 
gerous tendency to the community at large are industriously 
disseminated— which facts can be verified on oath. — And it 
is the decided opinion of this Court, that these meetings 
and schools ought to be suppressed ; and if the existing 
laws are not sufficient for that purpose, that other laws 
should be immediately framed for their prevention, (i.) 



(i) When I look to the list of names present on this occasion, it is impossible for 
me to express the surprise I feel at the extraordinary manner in which these gentle- 
men have committed themselves. It is so new a circumstance to find the suppression 
of schools recommended, that we have a right to expect to see the strongest argu- 
ments backed by the most undeniable evidence to justify even the mentioning of so 
startling a proposition. If at any of these schools " principles of a most dangerous 



46 

Ordered, that a Copy of the foregoing Resolution be 
sent to His Majesty's Secretary of State for the Home 
Department, through the Lord Lieutenant of this County. 

HENRY POTTS, 

Clerk of the Peace. 



Stockport, Uth August, 1819. 
Sir, 

THE lower orders are in a dreadful state — not by dis- 
tress, for there is work for most that may be willing, ex- 
cept the weavers, who are badly off, and yet perhaps not 
the worst of the reforming crew ; I mean they are quite 
bold and insulting, and reckon on a speedy and radical 
change to give them complete power over us. 

A man has come to me from the neighbourhood of Old- 
ham, and states, that the person he worked for had judged 
prudent to discontinue till things are settled. 

The tenants of a gentleman near this town refuse to pay 
their rents till they know the issue of the Monday's meet- 
ing, (k) 

Your very humble Servant, - 
H. Hobhouse, Esq. J. LLOYD. 



tendency to the community are industriously disseminated — which facts can be veri- 
fied upon oath," why are they not so verified* Depositions by persons of character 
and reputation to this fact, would have been much more important than any which 
ministers have published. But, notwithstanding this positive statement of the Che- 
sliire magistrates, no such schools exist or ever have existed. The ground upon 
which I venture this direct contradiction will be stated hereafter. 

(K) There is a disgusting, flippant, and passionate vulgarity in the style of Mr. 
Lloyd, who is clerk to the magistrates at Stockport, as manifested in this and his 
preceding letter, which marks him as a person by no means qualified to convey accu- 
rate and unimpeachable information with respect to the subjects on which he writes. 
His indecent phraseology of the u lower orders" and the M reforming crew," his 
numerous grammatical inaccuracies, and the fact of his being one of the prime sup- 
ports of a neighbouring Orange-club, give a sufficient indication of the cast and capa- 
city of his mind. I must, therefore, be excused for withholding my credit from the 
stories of the "man from Oldham," and "the tenants of a gentleman near this 
town," &c. If the poor are to be calumniated as they have been on such authority, 
and; on the credit of those calumnies, cut down,— God help them I say ! 



47 

Manchester, August 14^, 1819. 
My Lord, 
INCLOSED I send your Lordship two depositions 
which have been taken before the Magistrates this morn- 
ing, and by which your Lordship will find, that the fact 
of considerable drilling is carrying on in the neighbouring 
country ; we shall have many more depositions to the 
same effect to-morrow, I fully expect. 
To Lord Viscount Sidmouth, J. NORRIS. 

&c. &c. &c. 

Lancashire, to wit. 
The information and examination of N. O. taken on oath 

this 14th day of August, 18J9, before the under-signed, 

two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace in the said 

County ; 

Who saith, That he has been at Bury in the said 
County, since Monday last ; that he has seen persons 
drilling in marching and facing, but not with arms, every 
night since Monday last, 'till last night : that one of the 
party whom this examinant had seen drilling, told this 
examinant that there were about five hundred persons on 
the books who drilled, and more had joined, but whose 
names were not yet put down. The said persons drilled 
onthe high road at Heap Bridge. He heard some persons 
who had been drilling, say, they were ready for a fight 
on Monday next if the soldiers were to stop them ; that 
the soldiers who were there, meaning at Bury, would not 
be a breakfast for them ; that a drill master of the name of 
Johnson was fetched from near Oldham ; that somewhere 
about three o'clock yesterday, this examinant was in the 
King's Head public house, and two soldiers of the 31st 
regiment were there ; that many men were in the house, 
some of whom asked the soldiers to drink, and particular- 
ly one man ; whom this examinant should know again, 



48 



asked the soldiers to drink, who had got up to leave the 
house ; but the soldiers refused, saying, they should be 
late at parade ; that the said man then shut the door after 
the soldiers who had gone out, and said, damn thon, Td 
as soon give them a drop of their blood to drink as that, 
meaning a gill of ale which he held in his hand. This ex- 
aminant heard some of the persons who had drilled talking 
of the four men who were taken at Cockey Moor, and say, 
that none of their men should be taken by Nadin's men, 
for they would keep a picket out every night. 

That the common toasts with the lower class in the 
public houses, are, the Cap of Liberty, and may the 
Wings of Liberty never lose a Feather. 

Taken before „s 5 R * Fletcher ' N. O. 

laken before us, f TraffiL Trafford. 

Lancashire to wit. 

Be it remembered, That on the Fourteenth Day of 
August, in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Eight 
Hundred and Nineteen, came before me, James Norris, 
Esquire, one of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace for 
the County of Lancashire, O. P. of Manchester, in the 
said County of Lancaster, Gentleman, and made Oath, 
that on Sunday morning the Eighth Day of August 
instant, he went as an inside passenger by the 
Coach to Rochdale, in the said County ; that when the 
said coach arrived at a place called the Slattocks, and 
which is about two miles beyond Middleton, and about 
three from Rochdale, it stopt, and he the said O. P. saw 
upon a bank, close to the road, about thirty men and seve- 
ral women ; that having heard much conversation about 
the people in that neighbourhood having drilled in large 
bodies, and more particularly on the Sunday morning, it 
struck this deponent, that the said men might have been 
so employed that morning, the more particularly as it was 
then only a little past seven o'clock ; and that he coramu- 



49 

iiicated his suspicions to the gentleman who sat opposite 
to this deponent, and whom this deponent afterwards 
understood to be a Mr. and who stated to 

this deponent that it was very probable they had been so 
employed ; that very shortly this deponent heard the 
word march, and immediately afterwards several compa- 
nies of unarmed men, and amounting, in the whole, from 
two to four hundred, marched along the turnpike road, 
on which the coach then was, towards Middleton, and this 
deponent's impression then was, and now is, that the men so 
marching had come some way on the said turnpike road, and 
had been drilling ; and that the men standing on the bank 
were collected from curiosity, and an expectation, or 
knowledge, that the said men would march that way ; 
that this deponent thinks the said men who so marched 
were divided into six companies or divisions ; that each 
company or division marched four a-breast, except at the 
heads of companies, where there was a fifth person with a 
small stick or cane in his hand, who appeared to be the 
leader or captain, and gave orders ; that the men marched 
with great exactness and precision, and appeared to this 
deponent, who was some years a member of a volunteer 
corps, to have been regularly drilled, and acquired a 
good state of discipline ; that the men in one company 
having got out of step in a trifling degree, one of the 
leaders of it fell out of the rank, and cried out, c ' left, right,' ' 
and restored the company immediately into a good state 
of marching ; that whilst the men were so marching past 
the coach, one of the leaders looking into the coach,, from 
which they were not distant more than two yards, 
and apparently addressing the passengers in the coach, 
used this expression, " We will damrfd soon make these 
borough-mongering vagrants tremble /* that this expres- 
sion was used when about half the men had marched past 
the coach, and when this deponent had recovered from the 
surprize into which the march of the men past the coach 

H 



50 

had thrown this deponent, and which surprize at the out- 
set had prevented this deponent from counting the numbers 
of the men who so marched ; that the last company came 
past the coach in double quick time, and were ordered by 
their leader to mark time, in consequence of the quickness 
of their march getting them too near the company before 
them ; that shortly before the said last company so came 
past the coach in double quick time, this deponent heard 
a bugle not far off, and which he has no doubt belonged 
to the party, though this deponent did not see it ; that in 
the course of the same forenoon this deponent returned 
from Rochdale by the mail, which stopped at the said 
place called the Slattocks, and this deponent inquired 
from the persons about, who the people were he 
had seen in the morning ; that the said people from whom 
he inquired were unwilling to say any thing ; but at length 
reluctantly said, they supposed they were a part of the 
men who had been drilling near the Tandle Hills, and 
that they were the Oldham division. 
Sworn before me, J. Norris. 

O.P. 

Jonathan Andrew, of Manchester, maketh oath, and 
saith, that on Thursday evening the 12th instant, betwixt 
the hours of eight and nine o'clock, he saw exercising on 
the new road to Rochdale, from 20 to 25 men armed with 
staves, from 4 to 5 feet long, and apparently about 3 to 3£ 
inches round, similar to a brush stail, but chiefly of green 
wood. He heard the words of command given fby a 
person separated from the rest,) march, halt, &c. 

JONATHAN ANDREW. 

Sworn before me this 13th day of 
August, 1819, W.R. Hay. 



51 

Knowsley, August 15, 1819. 
My Lord, 
I conceive it to be ray duty to inform your Lordship, 
that in consequence of a representation made tome by the 
Select Committee of Magistrates assembled at Manchester, 
(and perfectly agreeing with them in the expediency of 
the measure,) I issued a precept for a special meeting of 
Magistrates, to consider of the propriety of a general or 
partial execution of the Watch and Ward Act, and I 
have now the honour to inclose to your Lordship a letter 
from the Clerk of the Peace, by which you will perceive 
how far the same has been carried into execution. I trust 
this, and the other measures adopted by the magistracy, 
will put a stop to the danger to be apprehended from the 
evil designs of such as wish to disturb the peace of the 
country ; but 1 am sorry to add, there is still too much 
cause to believe, that in some parts of this county, there 
are assemblies of men, who meet in considerable numbers, 
with the object of training and exercising themselves for 
illegal and seditious purposes. Of all this, however, your 
Lordship is I am sure, already informed with more accu- 
racy, and in greater detail, than I am able to give you. 
It is with great regret that I am obliged to add, that the 
raising the armed association (notwithstanding the zealous 
endeavours of the Boroughreeve and Committee at Man- 
chester, who made the offer to Government) proceeds so 
slow, that I have not yet been able to obtain a list of gen- 
tlemen to be submitted to the Prince Regent as officers for 
the same. I am, however, informed by the Boroughreeve, 
that the list of field officers and captains for one battalion 
has been completed, but they consider it premature to send 
it to me, as the number of men already enrolled is far 
below the number which should constitute one battalion. 
I think it right to apprise your Lordship of this circum- 
stance, but without the most distant idea of imputing 
blame, or want of zeal, to any person concerned in the 



52 

transaction. The arms, &c. for nearly the whole corps 
have been forwarded to my order from Chester Castle some 
time since, and, with the concurrence of Major General 
Byng, I have directed them to be lodged at the Cavalry 
Barracks, under the military custody of the officer com- 
manding" there, until the corps becomes sufficiently effec- 
tive to have them transferred to their hands, (l) 
I have the honour to be, 

My Lord, 
Your Lordship's obedient humble servant, 

DERBY. 
The Viscount Sidmouth, 
&c. &c. &c. 



Preston, 13th August, 1819. 
My Lord, 
I HAVE the honour to inform your Lordship, that I 
attended yesterday at Manchester, to put in execution 
the Watch and Ward Act, when the whole of Salford 
Hundred, and the Warrington Division of West Derby 
Hundred, were placed under the provisions of the Act. 
I have the honour to be, 
Your Lordship's most obedient servant, 

E. GORST. 



(r.) That part of this loiter of Lord Derby which refers to the proposed "armed 
association," recommended by the self-constituted Committee, " to strengthen the 
civil power," proves, that the opinion of the great body of the respectable Inhabi- 
tants of the Town, did not go along with the Magistrates and their friends in their 
professed apprehensions of danger ; for, at the expiration of a month, after resolu- 
tions in favour of the formation of an " armed association" had been adopted, his 
Lordship states, that " the number of men already enrolled, is far below the number 
which should constitute one battalion." Indeed, after labouring three months with- 
out success, the plan was entirely given up, and the arms and accoutrements (the 
Newspapers have stated) were re-lodged in Chester Castle. It is absolutely incre- 
tlioir that the Inhabitants would have hesitated to associate for the protection of 
dible property, if they had considered it exposed to danger. 



53 

Manchester, August 15, 1819. 
11 o'clock, P.M. 

My Lord, 
THE Magistrates, the military, and civil authorities 
of Manchester have been occupied nearly the whole of 
this day in concerting the necessary arrangements for the 
preservation of the peace to-morrow, and for the safety of 
the town, in case riot should ensue. We have been much 
occupied in taking depositions from various parts of the 
country ; and although the Magistrates, as at present ad- 
vised, do not think of preventing the meeting, yet all the 
accounts tend to shew, that the worst possible spirit per- 
vades the country ; and that considerable numbers have 
been drilling to-day, at distances of four, six, and ten 
miles from Manchester; and that considerable numbers 
are expected to attend the meeting. 1 hope the peace 
may be preserved ; but under all circumstances, it is 
scarcely possible to expect it ; and in short, in this respect, 
we are in a state of painful uncertainty, (m) 
I have the honour to be, 
My Lord, 
Your Lordship's faithful and humble servant, 

J. NORRIS. 
To Lord Viscount Sidmouth, 
&c. Sec. &c. 



(M) I particularly call the attention of the public to tins short letter from Mr. 
Norris, dated 11 o'clock, on the night before the meeting. At that time, Mr. Nor- 
ris states, the magistrates did not think of preventing the meeting ; from which I 
conclude they considered it to be legal. Before their subsequent interference can be 
justified, it must therefore be shewn, either that some circumstances, not tluen anti- 
cipated, had occurred, to change the character of the meeting, or it will follow, that 
the magistrates, with a full knowledge that it would be illegal, determined not to 
prevent it ; a supposition which their notice with respect to the proposed meeting 
on the 9th, renders inadmissible. The offensive characteristics which have been 
attributed to the meeting of the 16th, are the Caps of Liberty, the banners, the mi- 
litary array, the music, and the numbers. The conduct of the magistrates on the 
16th could not be influenced by the Caps of Liberty, or the banners, for Mr. Norris 



51 

THE Borougbreeve and Constables of Manchester and 
Salford most earnestly recommend the peaceful and well 
disposed of those towns, as much as possible, to remain 
in their own houses during the WHOLE OF THIS 
DAY, Monday, August 16th instant ; and to keep their 
children and servants within doors. 

Edward Clayton, Boroughreeve of Manchester. 

John Moore, iun. }^ ., 

. ' J J Constables. 

Jonathan Andrew, y 

John Greenwood, Boroughreeve of Salford. 

James Cooke, ") 

, . . ~ „. 'Constables. 

Josiah Collier, y 

Manchester : Printed by Wheeler and Son. 



knew of, and alluded to those, in his letter of the 5th of August ; in some of the 
affidavits also, the preparation of colours for the meeting is noticed, as being in 
progress ; nor by the military array, " for numerous affidavits had already declared, 
that, to march to the Manchester meeting was the object of the training." It could 
not be the music that gave offence, for that too was anticipated ; nor could it be 
the numbers, as there unquestionably is no law that fixes any limit to the numbers 
which shall compose a public meeting. If the people meet peaceably, and for an al- 
lowable purpose, the law makes no objection on the score of numbers. Mr. Shep- 
herd, indeed, says in the House of Commons, on the authority oi' Lord Holt, that 
numbers, in terrorem populi, constitute a riot; but it must be the great body of the 
people who are terrified, not a few members of Pitt Clubs and Orange Societies ; — 
otherwise our annual races, where there is always a greater concourse of people 
than were assembled on the 1 Oth of August, are liable to be dispersed on the same 
pretence of riot, whenever a few individuals may chance to swear they are afraid. 
Having therefore shewn, that none of what had been represented as the objectiona- 
ble characteristics of the meeting of the 1 Oth, could be the means of altering that 
determination of not preventing the meeting, in which, up to the preceding mid- 
night, the magistrates were agreed, since those characteristics were all well known 
of and anticipated before, it is for the magistrates, or their apologists, to explain 
the ground of their subsequent proceedings. I am not to be answered by any 
quibble, as to the difference between " preventing" the meeting, and " dispersing" 
it. If that be attempted, I .shall ask, Whether the same trick was practised 
upon Lord Sidmouth ? Indeed, if the previous knowledge of the fact, that the meet- 
ing would assemble, with music, and Hags, and Caps of Liberty, and numbers march- 
ing from all parts of the surrounding neighbourhood, afforded no ground for pre- 
venting it, it necessarily follows, that the actual exhibition at the meeting, of these 
insignia, accompanied by the circumstances enumerated, afforded no reason for dis- 
persing it 



55 



Manchester, \6th August , 1819. 
Quarter past Nine. 
My Lord, 

MR. NORRIS being very much fatigued by the ha- 
rassing duty of this day, it becomes mine now to inform 
your Lordship of the proceedings which have been had 
in consequence of the proposal put forward for a meeting. 
The Special Committee have been in constant attendance 
for the last three days, and contented themselves till they 
saw what the complexion of the meeting might be, or what 
circumstances might arise, with coming to this determi- 
nation only, which they adopted in concurrence with 
some of the most intelligent gentlemen of the town, not 
to stop the numerous columns which were from various 
roads expected to pour in, but to allow them to reach the 
place of their destination, (n) 

The assistance of the military was of course required, 
and arrangements in consequence made with them, of such 
description as might be applicable to various circum- 
stances. 

About eleven o'clock the Magistrates, who were very 
numerous, repaired to a house, whence they might see 
the whole of the proceedings of the meeting. A body of 
special constables took their ground, about two hundred in 
number, close to the hustings ; from them there was a line 
of communication to the house where we were. Mr. Traf- 
ford TrafFord was so good as to take the situation of 
attending Colonel L'Estrange, the commanding officer. 



(N) This paragraph likewise seems to negative the presumption of any pre- 
existing intention to disperse the meeting. It is a fact, however, that early in the 
forenoon of the 16th of August, persons supposed to be acquainted with the inten- 
tions of the magistrates, distinctly asserted, that Mr. Hunt would be arrested on 
the hustings, and the meeting dispersed. I myself was more than once told so, but 
could not conceive it possible that there was any foundation whatever for the report, 
provided (of which I entertained no doubt) that the meeting were peaceable. 



56 

From eleven till one o'clock, the various columns arri- 
ved, attended by flags, each by two or three flags ; and 
there were four, if not more, caps of liberty. The ensigns 
were of the same description as those displayed on similar 
occasions, with this addition, that one had a bloody pike 
represented on it; another, " Equal representation or 
death." There was no appearance of arms or pikes, but 
great plenty of sticks and staves, and every column 
marched in regular files of three or four deep, attended 
with conductors, music, &c. (o) The most powerful ac- 



(O) Mr. Hay says, " The ensigns were of the same description as those displayed 
on similar occasions, with this addition, that one had a hloody pike represented on 
it ; another, ' Equal representation or death.' " This admission confines any legal 
offence, which the banners can be presumed to have created, to the two which Mr. 
Hay has particularised. With respect to the pike, either Mr. Hay was so far 
blinded by his fears, or his passion, as to mistake a sword in the hand of an emble- 
matical figure of Justice for a " bloody pike ;" or there is no foundation whatever for 
his assertion. With respect to the latter, certainly such a flag was carried ; but before 
I can admit that there is any legal offence in it, I must be informed what " Equal re- 
presentation" means; and be convinced, that it is not a lawful object of pursuit. 
The exhibition of such flags is, however, very foolish and in bad taste, because to some 
persons it gives offence ; yet it affords no justification for delivering over an unarmed 
crowd to military execution. Mr. Hay's distinct statement that, " there was no ap- 
pearance of arms or pikes," forms a contrast with Lord Sidmouth's assertions in the 
House of Peers, not much to the advantage of his lordship's veracity ; unless indeed, 
as ministers had, after this letter was written, the assistance of the personal narra- 
tives of Mr. Hay and Mr. Hardman, the noble Secretary should have happened to 
make the statement on their verbal authority. In that case, the merit of the embel- 
lishment belongs to them. Mr. Hay subsequently says, " but long before this, the 
magistrates had felt a decided conviction that the whole bore the appearance of in- 
surrection ;"that the array was such as to terrify all the King's subjects, and was such 
as no legitimate purpose could justify." Mr. Hay does not explain what this " ap- 
pearance of insurrection" was, and I know not how to conceive the idea of an " ap- 
pearance of insurrection" in the absence of the definite and absolute crime of insur- 
rection itself. Besides, the law applies to facts, and not to "appearances;" and if 
no facts appertaining to the meeting can be pointed out, which amount to an abso- 
lute and palpable violation of law, it is in vain to seek to justify the conduct of the 
Magistrates by referring us to their conviction of " appearances." But " the array 
was such as to terrify all the King's subjects." Mr. Hay, when he wrote that sen- 
tence, knew full well it was untrue. Where is his evidence of it ? What ! because 
some twenty or thirty persons, as Mr. B. Wiibraham states, or sixty or seventy as 1 
have elsewhere heard, principally, I believe, members of the self-constituted M Cora- 



57 

cession was in the last instance, when Hunt and his party 
came in. But, long before this, the Magistrates had felt 
a decided conviction that the whole bore the appearance 
of insurrection/ that the array was such as to terrify 
all the king's subjects, and was such as no legitimate 
purpose could justify. In addition to their own sense of the 
meeting, they had very numerous depositions from the in- 
habit ants, as to their fears for the public safety ; and at 
length a man deposed as to the parties who were ap- 
proaching, attended by the heaviest column. On a 
barouche-box was a woman in white, who / believe was a 
Mrs. Gant, from Stockport, and who, it is believed, had a 
cap of liberty, (p) In the barouche were Hunt, Johnson, 
Knight, and Moorhouse of Stockport : as soon as these 
four parties were ascertained, a warrant issued to apprehend 
them, The troops were mustered, and Nadin, preceding 
the Manchester Yeomanry Cavalry, executed it (q) While 



mittee for strengthening the civil power," or personal friends of the Magistrates, 
made oath that they were frightened, and that they considered the peace in danger, 
is that a justification of the conduct pursued ? If no offence had previously been 
committed, these affidavits made none ; if there were any, they were supererogatory 
and useless. But let us look to numbers. Were the 50,009 of his Majestj^'s 
subjects who composed the compact body of the meeting — were they alarmed ? 
No.— Were the bulk of the inhabitants of those parts of the town through which the 
processions passed, terrified ? Certainly not ; for hundreds — probably thousands of 
them attended the meeting as spectators. Alarm, either for their own safety, or 
that of their property, would undoubtedly have kept them at home. It is therefore 
false to say, that " the array was such as to terrify all ,•" or, relatively speaking, 
even any considerable portion of " his Majesty T s subjects." 

(P) There are only two mistakes in this short sentence. In the first place Mrs 
Gaunt is not from Stockport ; and in the next she was not on the barouche box— 
So much for official accuracy ! 

(Q.) " As soon as these four parties (Hunt, Johnson, Knight, and Moorhouse,) 
were ascertained, a warrant issued to apprehend them. The Troops mustered, and 
Nadin, preceding the Manchester Yeomanry, executed it." This is an admirable 
specimen of sober narrative composition. Who would suppose it referred to any 
thing but a common and unimportant incident? Who can discover in it a trace of the 
real characteristics of the svent it professes to describe ; the violent and rapid incur- 
sion of an armed force into the midst of a peaceable multitude, the bruises, the tramp- 
lings, the fractures, and the sabrings, that ensued. But it has also the additional 

I 



58 

the Cavalry was forming, a most marked defiance of them 
was acted by the reforming part of the mob; (n) however, 
they so far executed their purpose, as to apprehend Hunt 
and Johnson on the hustings : Knight and Moorhouse in 
the moment escaped. They also took on the hustings, 
Saxton, and St/fces, who is the writer to the Manchester 
Observer, and which Saxton had before been addressing the 
mob. (s) The parties thus apprehended, were brought to 
the house where the magistrates were. In the mean time 
the Riot Act was read } and the mob was completely dis- 
persed, but not without very serious and lamentable ef- 
fects, (t) Hunt, &c. were brought down to the New 



ingredient of falsehood in its composition. Mr. Nadin did not "precede the Man- 
chester Yeomanry." On the contrary, he himself swore at the Oldham Inquest, that 
he followed them— that he could not keep pace with them ; but arrived at the Hust- 
ings soon after they got there. 

(R) What the reverend penman here calls "a most marked defiance acted by the 
reforming part of the mob," that journalist of undoubted and unbounded loyalty Mr. 
John Wheeler, in the Manchester Chronicle of Aug. 21st, more candidly designates as 
84 cheers." I heard them, and certainly am not aware that they differed from those 
which Mr. Hunt has been in the habit of frequently instructing his followers to give, 
when no idea of " defiance" could enter into his mind. Mr. Hay probably however 
would not wish to be considered as being disposed to view Mr. Hunt's conduct, 
through the most favourable medium, of which it is even fairly susceptible. 

(S) In this sentence there are only three deviations from truth. In the first 
place, there was no such person as Sykes arrested ; in the next, the Manchester 
Observer has not, and never had, any writer of the name ; and in the third, Saxton 
had not been addressing the people. 

(T) This sentence is most important. In the composition of his despatches an- 
nouncing the victory obtained over the starving populace, the reverend stipendiary 
chairman of the Salford Quarter Sessions, seems to have thought it almost needless 
to say a word with respect to the reading of the riot act. It is just noticed, but 
evidently only en passant ; and being placed in immediate collocation with the disper- 
sion of the meeting, we must necessarily suppose the two circumstances to have 
been simultaneous : where then is Lord Castlereagh's authority for asserting that 
the riot act was read not once, but three times ? Who told him that a magistrate, in 
attempting to read it, was trampled under foot ? Or, that they sent a third magistrate 
to read it at the hustings, in order that no man might be ignorant of the fact of its 
having been read ? Let him, if he cam, produce one man, above the character of a 
lag, or a police officer, who will pledge his veracity for the fact : his lordship cannot 
do it, and I now assert my fullest conviction, that not one respectable person can be 



59 

Bailey ; two magistrates and myself, having promised 
them protection, preceded them ; we were attended by 
special constables and some cavalry. The parties were 
lodged in the New Bailey ; and since that have been ad- 
ded to them, Knight and Moorhouse. On inquiry, it ap- 
peared that many had suffered from various instances ; 
one of the Manchester Yeomanry, Mr. Hulme, was, after 
the parties were taken, struck by a brick-bat ; he lost his 
power over his horse, and is supposed to have fractured 
his skull by a fall from his horse. I am afraid that he is 
since dead ; if not, there are no hopes of his recovery. A 
special constable of the name of Ashworth has been kil- 
led — cause unknown ; and four women appear to have lost 
their lives by being pressed by the crowd; these, I believe, 
are the fatal effects of the meeting, A variety of instan- 
ces of sabre wounds occurred, but 1 hope none mortal-, se- 
veral pistols were fired by the mob, but as to their effect, save 
in one instance deposed to before Colonel Fletcher, we have 
no account. We cannot but deeply regret all this serious 
attendant on this transaction ; but we have the satisfaction 
of witnessing the very grateful and cheering countenances 
of the whole town ; in fact, they consider themselves as 
saved by our exertions, (u) All the shops were shut, and, 



found, who will vouch of his own knowledge, that the Riot Act was read once in any 
manner, comprehending even a tolerable approach to the form prescribed by the 
statute. 

(U) " A special constable of the name of Ashworth has been killed— cause un- 
known. " The cause was known, to every body but Mr. Hay, to have been the at- 
tack of the yeomanry ; " and four women appeared to have lost their lives by being 
pressed by the crowd ; these I believe are the fatal effects of the meeting." I be- 
lieve them to have been the "fatal effects" of the violent dispersion " of the meet- 
ing." With respect to the assertion of four women having lost their lives, it is how- 
ever, an inaccuracy — one only having been crushed to death in a cellar. As to 
the statement, that " several pistols were fired by the mob," it is entirely unsup- 
ported, all the firing yet alleged, having been traced either to the 88th, or to the Yeo- 
manry. That several shots were fired by the former, was proved on the Oldham 
Inquest ; and there was evidence ready with respect to the discharge of at least one 
pistol by the latter, when the adjournment took place. But, where is the account as 



GO 

for the most part, continued so all the evening The cap- 
ture of Hunt took place before two o'clock, and I forgot 
to mention, that all their colours, drums, &c. were taken or 
destroyed: since that I have been to the Infirmary, and 
found myself justified in making the report I have; but 
Mr. Norris now tells me, that one or two more than I 
have mentioned may have lost their lives. The parties 
apprehended will have their cases proceeded on to-mor- 
row ; but it appears that there may arise difficulties as to 
the nature of some of their crimes, on which it may be ne- 
cessary to consult Government, (v) 

The whole Committee of Magistrates will assemble to- 
morrow as usual. During the afternoon, and part of the 
evening, parts of the town have been in a very disturbed 
state, and numerous applications made for military. 
These have been supplied, but in some cases have, in the 
Irish part of the town, been obliged to fire, J trust with- 
out any bad effect as to life, in any instance* At present, 
every thing seems quiet; the reports agree with that, and 



to the " effect " of one pistol fired by the " mob, deposed to before Colonel Flet- 
cher ? " Was not this of sufficient importance to come before his Majesty's Minis- 
ters ? Or was the affidavit upon further inspection, thrown aside as unfit for service ? 
I hope I am not disposed to be uncandid towards Mr. Hay, but I can only view the 
expressions of regret which occur in the commencement of the sentence which suc- 
ceeds that, on which I have been commenting, as the mere common-place cant of af- 
fected humanity, wliich it would not have been decent to omit ; and which are in per- 
fect keeping and congruity with the nauseous vanity of the remainder of the sentence. 
Never was there a grosser attack, never a more groundless aspersion, on the charac- 
ter of the inhabitants of Manchester. Mr. Hay is not to confound liis frightened, 
affidavit-making friends with u the whole town." For myself, I never witnessed 
such a strong, though, from motives of prudence, restrained expression of horror, 
astonisliment, and dismay, as on that dreadful occasion. 

(v) It seems the magistrates could not tell what to do with Mr. Hunt, when 
they had got him. Why, then, this breathless haste to apprehend him ? Why, 
then, place the safety of so many thousands of persons in jeopardy, to take into 
custody a man, of whose escape from the reach of public justice, they will not [>rc- 
tend to have been afraid ? Why was be, at all hazard*, to be seized and commit- 
ted upon some undetermined charge, the evidence to substantiate which was subse- 
quently to be sought $ 



61 

I hope that we shall have a quiet night. I have omitted 
to mention, that the active part of the meeting mat/ be said 
to have come in wholly from the country ; and that it did 
not consist of less tjian 20,000 men, fyc. The flag on which 
was " Equal representation or death/' was a black one ; 
and in addition, on the same side, had "No borough mon- 
gering — unite, and be free ;" at the bottom, u Saddle- 
worth, Lees, and Morley Union ;" on the reverse, " No 
Corn Laws : — Taxation without representation, is unjust 
and tyrannical." On the Middleton flag was, " Let us 
die like men, and not be sold like slaves ;" reverse, " Li- 
berty is the birthright of man." 

I close my letter at a quarter before eleven ; every thing 
remains quiet — many of the troops have returned to the 
barracks, with the consent of the Magistrates. I have 
to apologize to your Lordship for the haste in which this 
is written, but I trust that the haste will naturally be ac- 
counted for. 

I have the honour to be, my Lord, 

With sincere respect, 

Your Lordship's faithful and obedient humble Servant, 

W. R. HAY. 
To the Right Hon. Viscount Sidmouth, 

One of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State, 
&c. &c. <&c. 



Head Quarters, 
Pontefract, August Ylth, 3819, Nine A. M. 
My Lord, 
I HAVE the honour to forward the accompanying copy 
of an official report which I have just received from Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel L'Estrange, in command of the troops in 
Manchester and its immediate neighbourhood, which I 
consider of sufficient consequence to send by express, as 
it will be one day sooner before your Lordship. 



62 

I most sincerely regret that the employment of military 
in aid of the civil power should have been necessary ; but 
I trust it will appear to your Lordship, that the utmost 
forbearance, consistent with their duty, has been evinced 
by Lieutenant-Colonel L'Estrange, with the troops under 
his command : and I hope it will meet your approval, his 
having employed the corps of Cheshire and Manchester 
Yeomanry Cavalry, who, at the request of the Magis- 
trates, had assembled with the greatest alacrity in full 
numbers, and had placed themselves at the Lieutenant 
Colonel's disposal. 

By the latest account, I understand the town of Man- 
chester has become more quiet. I shall await here a fur- 
ther report, and shall hold in readiness to move at the 
shortest notice, all the disposable forces under my orders. 
I have the honour to be, 

Your Lordship's very obedient humble Servant, 
JOHN BYNG, Major-General. 
The Right Honourable the Secretary of State, 
Home Department. 



Manchester, August 16, 1819. 

Eight o'Clock, P. M. 
Sir, 

THE Magistrates assembled here in consequence of the 
disturbed state of this district, directed me to have the 
troops in readiness to assist the civil power in case of ne- 
cessity, at the time of the meeting proposed for this day. 

In concurrence with their wishes, and after consulta- 
tion with them, the military were prepared and arrange- 
ments made, such as then seemed calculated to meet any 
occasion, in which the aid of the troops might be required 
to assist the civil power. The Magistrates were in attend- 
ance near St. Peter's Church; and Mr. Trafford, a Justice 
of the Peace for the counties of Chester and Lancaster, 



63 

was appointed to remain with the cavalry. Early in the 
afternoon, the civil power finding it necessary that the troops 
should act in aid of them, it was deemed expedient that the 
cavalry should advance ; and a warrant was executed, pre- 
ceded by the civil authority, under which, two persons, 
Hunt and Johnson, named therein, were arrested; as 
were also two other persons, named Saxton and Sykes, 
who were active, as I am told, on the hustings. This 
service was performed with the assistance of the cavalry. 

The infantry was in readiness, but I determined not to 
bring them in contact with the people, unless compelled 
to do so by urgent necessity ; not a shot therefore has been 
fired by any of the military, though several have beenjired 
by the populace against the troops, (w) I have, however, 
great regret in stating, that some of the unfortunate people 
who attended this meeting, have suffered from sabre wounds, 
and many from the pressure of the crowd. One of the 
Manchester Yeomanry, if not dead, lies without hope of 
recovery ; it is understood he was struck with a stone. 
One of the special Constables has been killed. The Man- 
chester Yeomanry under Major TrafFord, and the Che- 
shire Yeomanry under Lieutenant Colonel Townsend, who 
had come on a very short notice from the county Magis- 
trates (many of them from a great distance,) were most 
active and efficient in discharge of their duty. — The Com- 
mittee, now sitting, consider it necessary to keep all the 
troops ready, though every means will be adopted to pre- 
vent the necessity of their acting. 

I have, &c. 

GEORGE L'ESTRANGE, 

Lieutenant-Colonel 3 1st Regiment. 

Major-General Sir John Byng, K. C. B. 



(w) This statement has been rebutted in ray remarks on Mr. Hay's letter. 



64 

Manchester, August 17, 1819. 
My Lord, 

Mil. HAY and Mr. Ilardman having left town this 
evening, on a mission to your Lordship and to government, 
it is unnecessary for me to give you any information up 
to the period when they left, as they are fully informed. 

Since their departure, the town has continued to as- 
sume a gloomy aspect, as the night has approached, and 
at this hour (a quarter from ten) all the civil and military 
authorities are in action throughout the town. Great 
numbers assembled this evening, from eight to nine, about 
the New Cross, but did not do any act of violence, though 
evidently of the description disposed to do so. Soldiers are 
placed there, and bodies of special constables, with orders 
in the first instance for the constables to act, and after- 
wards, in case of need, the military to disperse the mob. 
The riot act was not read this evening when I first went 
up, about six o'clock, though some stones had before been 
thrown at one or two houses, and a few at the military ; 
yet I found matters peaceable and quiet, and the offend- 
ing parties straggling about, and at considerable dis- 
tances, and I hoped they would disperse. They did not, 
however, disperse ; but the numbers considerably increas- 
ed at the distances, and I found it necessary to communi- 
cate instantly with Col. L'Estrangc, &c. The military 
have, in consequence, been strengthened in that quarter, 
and at present, every thing, I believe, remains quiet, al- 
though it can alone be attributed to the full exertion or 
appearance of the military strength. 
I am, my Lord, 

Your Lordship's faithful 

And humble servant, 

J.NORRIS. 
To Viscount Sidmoulh. 



m 

Examination of James Murrey, of No. 2, Withy Grove, 
Manchester, Confectioner, who, on his Oath, e.aith, 
That on Sunday last, the 15th instant, he was at White 
Moss, near Middleton, about five miles from Manchester, 
between three and four o'clock in the morning, and saw- 
there assembled between 14 and 1500 men ; the greatest 
number of whom were formed in two bodies, in the form 
of solid squares ; the remainder were in small parties of 
between twenty and thirty each ; there were about thirty 
such parties, each under the direction of a person acting 
as a drill serjeant, and were going through military 
movements; that Examinant went amongst them, and 
immediately one of the drill Serjeants asked him to fall 
in. He said, he thought he should soon, or gave some 
such answer ; he then began to move away ; upon which, 
some persons, who were drilling, cried out (i Spies." — 
This Examinant, and William Shawcross, and Thomas 
Rymer, and his son (all of whom had accompanied this 
Examinant from Manchester), continued to retire ; the 
body of men then cried out, " Mill them, murder them." 
Near one hundred men then pursued this Examinant and 
his companions ; they overtook them near a lane end, at 
the edge of the Moss, and began to pelt them with clods 
of earth — they at last came up to the Examinant and his 
companions, and beat them very severely — Examinant 
begged they would not murder him ; but the general cry 
was, " Damn him, kill him— murder him." Examinant 
said, ".You treat me very difFerently to what nations 
treat each other's prisoners when they are at war. Suppose 
that I am an enemy } you ought to treat me as a prisoner ;" 
they said, " How will you treat us, if you take us prisoners 
when we come to Manchester f 

Examinant knew at the time that a meeting was ap- 
pointed for the next day (Monday) at Manchester. 

The men kept beating Examinant all the time j at last 
they debated among themselves whether they would kill 



60 

Examinant or forgive him, and they determined to forgive 
him, provided he would go down upon his knees and beg 
pardon to them, and swear never to be a king's man 
again, or to mention the name of a king. Examinant 
complied, to save his life, they standing over him with 
sticks, as he apprehended, to murder him, provided he 
had objected. They afterwards went away. Examinant 
was not previously acquainted with any of the persons 
assembled that he saw, but is certain that he should know 
again two of those who beat him. 

The greatest part of the number assembled had stout 
sticks, from three to four feet long. 

In consequence of the ill treatment received by Exa- 
minant as above, he was confined to his bed for three 

days. 

JAMES MURREY.(x) 
Sworn at Manchester, before me, this 

Slstday of August, 1819. 

Ra. Fletcher. 



Grand Jury Room, Chester Castle, 
Sept. 3, 1819. 
My Lord, 
I HAVE been directed by the Grand Jury of the 
County of Chester, as their Foreman, to forward the en- 
closed to your Lordship, as a private communication ; 



(X) This person is one of a number of constables, &c. who committed a most 
outrageous assault on some of Mr. Hunt's friends, in a private room, after the pub- 
lic dinner at the Spread Eagle Inn, in January last. As numbers of persons went to 
witness the drilling, without receiving any molestation or insult, it is believed that 
a knowledge of Murrey's own previous conduct, procured him the beating he ur- 
questionably received. He gave a tolerable sample of his talents at mistatement on 
the 24th of September, when he affirmed positively, at the New Bailey, that Tho- 
mas Ryder, who was charged with crying " Hunt and Liberty," was one of the 
persons who assaulted him on the 1 5th of August ; but subsequently, when the 
accused person had satisfactorily proved an alibi, Murrey retracted his charge — 
See the Times of Sept. 27th. 



67 

and I have taken the liberty of enclosing, at the same 
time, a Copy of Resolutions entered into by the Grand 
Jury, expressive of their determination to support the 
Government, and enforce the laws, for the preservation 
of the peace of the county. 

I have the honour to be, 
Your lordship's most obedient servant, 

JOHN THOMAS STANLEY. 

The Lord Viscount Sidmouth, 
&c. &c. &c. 



(Private. ) 

Chester, September 3, 1819. 

WE, the Grand Jury of the County Palatine of Ches- 
ter, assembled at the assizes, holden for the said county, 
on the first day of September, 1819, feel it our bounden 
duty to represent to your Lordship, that from the infor- 
mation we have just received, we have strong reason to 
consider, that in the Stockport division of the hundred 
of Macclesfield in this county, and in certain parts of the 
Prestbury division of the said hundred, the lives and pro- 
perty of his Majesty's loyal subjects are in great peril ; 
and that in an adjoining County, by the active measures of 
terror and intimidation employed, the danger has, within the 
last fourteen days, assumed a more formidable character; and 
we beg leave to add, that we understand his Majesty's 
Justices of the Peace labour under great difficulty, from 
want of power to disperse meetings for drilling and for 
acquiring military discipline, (y) 

JOHN THOMAS STANLEY, 
Foreman. 
The Lord Viscount Sidmouth, 
«fec. &c. &c. 



(Y) This letter proves, that the dispersion of the Manchester meeting had pro- 
duced no other effect, than an increased irritation among the people. " The danger 



08 

Courtly Pal aline of Chester. 

WE, the Grand Jury of the County Palatine of Ches- 
ter, at the assizes holclen at Chester, on the first day of 
September, 1819, feel it incumbent at this time to de- 
clare our indignation at the machinations of artful and 
itiiierant demagogues, who disseminate papers of the most 
dangerous and seditious tendency ; and at public meet- 
ings, with freedom in their mouths, and fraud and plun- 
der in their hearts, employ the most inflammatory lan- 
guage ; insidiously inculcate, under the specious veil of 
reform, hatred and contempt of our constitution, and in- 
stigate the ignorant and unwary even to exert physical 
force (that is, violence and open arms) for the enforce- 
ment of their visionary claims ; at once useless to them- 
selves, destructive of the rights and property of their 
fellow-subjects, and involving the country in one general 
ruin. Nor can we refrain from declaring our disgust and 
horror, at the odious and blasphemous publications pour- 
ed forth throughout the country, in which the Holy 
Scriptures are held up to derision, reviled and scoffed at, 
and audaciously denounced to the people as false, with 
the malignant intention of eradicating from their minds 
all moral checks, and all the hopes and comforts to be 
derived from religion. But with the most serious and 
peculiar anxiety and detestation, we contemplate the un- 
remitting exertions to poison the minds of the rising gene- 
lion, with the same horrid and detestable doctrines, (z) 



has within the last 14 days (i. e. since the 16th of August) assumed a more for- 
midable character." For this the Cheshire Grand Jury had to thank the Manches- 
ter magistrates ; and if the former were instructed by the Justices to complain of 
their " want of power to disperse meetings for drilling, and for acquiring military 
discipline," it surely follows, a fortiori, that the latter were not legally possessed 
of power to disperse a meeting, where even those pretexts were withheld. 

(z) The only " blasphemous publications," of the circulation of which in this 
neighbourhood I have any knowledge, arc those which have issued from the shop 
<>f Carlile. I ana enabled positively and distinctly to state, that immediately after 



We, tlicijefofc, stronglj impressed with the excellence 
of our constitution, protecting all ranks and degrees of 
society, are firmly resolved, by every means in our power, 
to enforce the due execution of the laws, against the se- 
ditious and disaffected ; and against all, who either by 
acts or otherwise, endanger the public peace and safety 
of the realm . 

JOHN THOMAS STANLEY, Foreman. 

BELGRAVE CLEM. SWETENHAM 

H. M. MAINWARING II. C. COTTON 

D. DAVENPORT E. STRACEY 

WILBR. EGERTON THOS. MARSHALL 

C. CHOLMONDELEY T. CHOLMONDELEY 
THOS. C. CLUTTON ROBT. HIBBERT 

R. LEYCESTER, Jun. JOHN ISHERWOOD 

D. ASHLEY ROBT. TAYLOR 
GEO. WILBRAHAM H.W.WORTH1NGTON 

E. D. DAVENPORT THOS. BARKER 



Knozcsleg, September 7, 1819. 

My Lord, 
I HAVE been directed by the Grand Jury, assembled 
at the present Assizes for this county, to sign, as their 
Foreman, their statement of the unhappily disturbed si- 
tuation in which (upon examination, which they have 



the dispersion of the meeting of the 1 6th of August, the circulation of " The Repub- 
lican," in this district, increased three-fold. It seems, therefore, that military ex- 
ecution is but an ineffective recipe for the cure of "■ blasphemy." That there have 
been man}* other vile periodical publications issued, I have no doubt ; but if the 
feelings and passions of the people had not been strongly excited, by the ill treat- 
ment they have received, they would have rejected the garbage with disgust The 
length of time that they have been permitted to go on, without being checked, renders 
it probable, that his majesty's ministers felt they were doing good service to them. 
Indeed, the proposed restrictions upon the press, in justification of which the)' are 
brought forward, proves this fact beyond all question. 



70 

thought it their duty to make) they have found the coun- 
ty, or rather a large district of it, to be placed. 

In compliance, therefore, with their directions, I have 
now the honour to lay before your Lordship the accom- 
panying statement, a copy of which, I have also been di- 
rected to lay before the Lord Lieutenant of the county, 
and 

I remain, 

My Lord, 

Your Lordship's 
Most obedient humble servant, 

STANLEY. 
The Lord Sidmouth, 
&c. &c. &c. 

The Grand Jury of the County of Lancaster have 
thought it their duty to inquire into the present state of 
the disturbed districts of that county, and they have ex- 
amined persons who appeared to them the most competent to 
give accurate information on the subject. 

From the result of that inquiry it appears, that the 
most inflammatory publications have for some time been 
industriously circulated, at a price which puts them very 
generally into the hands of the poorest classes of society. 
The training and military drilling of large bodies of men, 
under regular leaders, have for some time been carried 
on to a great extent, and the times chosen for the purpose , 
are principally during the night, or at such hours as seem 
best calculated to elude public observation. Marching, 
and other military movements, are practised with great 
precision ; and the words of command are promptly and 
implicitly obeyed. It has not come to the knowledge of 
the Grand Jury, that arms have been used on these 
occasions ; and though there is no doubt that weapons of 
offence have been manufactured, yet to what amount 
does not appear. 



71 

One of the most powerful engines to which (he disaf- 
fected have resorted , is a system of intimidation, which 
prevails to a most serious and alarming degree. Not 
only have threats to persons and property been made use 
of, and put into execution, but even combinations 
have been formed, to discountenance and to ruin those 
publicans and shopkeepers, who have come forward in 
support of the civil power. To such an extent does 
this prevail, that individuals who are well-disposed, are 
deterred from declaring the sentiments which they really 
entertain, or from giving information which may lead to 
the detection of offenders. 

Whatever may be the real object of those, who have 
obtained an influence over the minds of the misguided, 
there is reason to believe, from the declarations which 
have been openly and avowedly made, that the object of the 
lower classes of these people in general, is no other than 
to reverse the orders of society, zchich have so long been 
established, and to wrest by force from the present pos- 
sessors, and to divide among themselves, the landed proper- 
ty of the country. 

The Magistrates who act in the disturbed districts, and 
who are few in number, and harassed by continued and 
unremitting attention to their duties, state themselves to 
be unable to preserve the public peace, under any cir- 
cumstances of peculiar agitation. 

Resort has recently been had to the Watch and Ward 
Act ; but in many parts of the above-mentioned districts, 
the measure is, for obvious reasons, incapable of being 
carried into effect, and in others has proved wholly in- 
efficacious. Indeed, in one populous district, no warrant 
for ordinary offences, or other legal process, can be exe- 
cuted ; the payment of taxes has ceased, and the land- 
lords are threatened with the discontinuance of their 
rents. 



72 

The Grand Jury think it their duty to submit these 
facts and observations to the Lord Lieutenant of ihe 
County, and to his Majesty's Principal Secretary of 
State for the Home Department, and at the same time to 
express their firm determination to support the Govern- 
ment of the Country, and to maintain unimpaired the 
Constitution, as at present established in Church and 
State, (a) 

Signed by direction of the Grand Jury, 

STANLEY, 
Foreman, 

Grand Jury Room, Lancaster, 
Sept. 6, 1819. 



(a) Upon this document, I feel it difficult to comment according 1 to mj concep- 
tion of its deserts. The character and high consideration of the gentlemen, form- 
ing the Lancashire Grand Jury, must shield them from wanton or intemperate blame, 
even if considerations of personal prudence did not necessarily restrain my pen. 
But, however high may be my respect for the public character or the private virtues 
of the members of the Grand Jury, m} 7 anxiety for the preservation of the uncon- 
taminated and unimpeachable purity of the laws of England, is a still more powerful 
feeling. For, if ever there be the slightest ground to justify a belief — if ever there 
be even a prevalent suspicion, that political partialities have the slightest influence 
in determining the decisions of the former, then adieu ! a long and lasting adieu ! 
to public confidence in the equal administration of the laws, and in the unbending 
integrity of our criminal jurisprudence. Hence it is most manifestly desirable, that 
Grand Juries should always keep themselves studiously aloof from any interfere uv 
in the political turmoils of the day ; or, if their sense of duty induce them to adopt 
any political declaration, that they should preserve a broad and palpable distinction 
between their conduct as Grand Jurors, and as politicians, and never suffer them- 
selves to throw public obloquy on the character, and motives, and conduct of others, 
on that partial and ex parte evidence ; which, nevertheless in their official capacity as 
Grand Jurors, they would justly and properly put in a condition for being answered, 
by finding, upon its authority, a bill of indictment. If, where an indictment is found, 
the evidence for the prosecution be defective, either in force or truth, it is met, aud 
its effects are obviated, by the testimony for the defence. But what man, or what 
body of men, can hope to repel a political charge, even though it be unjust, which is 
supported, not by the partial testimony of an interested prosecutor, but upon the 
personal avouch of a Lancashire Grand Jury ? And further, should not any political de- 
claration, which such a body may think it right to make, be addressed to the public 
at large, who might see their opinions, learn by their advice, and profit by their ex- 
perience, if it did not conform to their judgment ? Ought we not to regard with the 



Manchester Police Office. 

September 16, 1819. 
My Lord, 
WE have avoided troubling your Lordship with fre- 
quent communications, knowing that our highly esteemed 



most scrupulous jealousy any private communication between any constituent part 
of our criminal Courts of Justice, and a minister of state? Particularly at a period, 
when those courts are filled with prosecutions, to which that minister is almost per- 
sonally a party. And if circumstances should arise to bring him, or any of the su- 
bordinate administrators of the law, either immediately or virtually before the Grand 
Jury, on the prosecution of those whom they also prosecute, can the latter, what- 
ever may be the real state of the case — can they have that implicit confidence in the 
decisions of the Grand Jun T , which, but for their political declarations, would unre- 
servedly have been expressed and felt ? This is no reflection upon the Grand Jury, for 
we all well know, and daily feel, how difficult it is, on occasions where impartiality is 
an imperative duty, entirely to free the mind from the operation of political prejudi- 
ces on the one hand, or partialities on the other. But, when in the place of suppo- 
sitions, we have facts — when we see bills of Indictment reciprocally presented by 
the two parties — by those whom the Grand Jury have consulted, against those whom 
they have denounced, and by those whom they have denounced, against those whom 
they have consulted, (for the magistrates were virtually implicated in the charges 
brought against the Yeomanry, at the last Lancaster assizes, and would have been 
actually so, but that the prosecutors were not then in a condition to prove that the 
latter proceeded under the orders of the former ;) — can we, without absolutely forget- 
ting the influence of human passions — without entirely ovei'looking the constitution 
of human nature itself, expect that the Grand Jury should regard both parties with 
equal impartiality, when with one of them they had already committed, or were 
prepared to commit themselves as partizans, in direct opposition to the other ? I im- 
pute no blame to the Grand Jury — they would not, I am sure, intentionally act wrong 
— but HE who taught us to pray, that we might not be led into temptation, never 
meant that we should blindly or needlessly rush into it. 

But the most serious part of the question, yet remains to be considered. Even 
when the safety or the reputation of a single individual is concerned, when he is ac- 
cused merely of a common offence, the law not only presumes him innocent until he 
is proved to be guilty, but takes care that the evidence by which his guilt is ascer- 
tained shall be definite in its character, and precise in its application ; leaving the 
truth of it to be determined by a Jury, who, after hearing all the testimony in 
defence, decide which way the balance of credibility inclines. Who, however, ap- 
peared before tins Jury, Grand Jury no longer in respect of their functions or their 
duties, as THE advocate of THE people ? By whom were the witnesses in 
their favour produced, or the evidence against them sifted and scrutinized, and cross 
examined ? Or was there none but on one side ? Was there no attempt to watch the 



74 

friend Mr. Norris was in constant correspondence with the 
Home Department. 



conflict of* opposing testimony, and thence elicit the truth ? Let us take a few pas- 
sages from the letter to Lord Sidmouth, and from them, form our opinion upon the 
subject. I shall yet, however, further premise, that, in proportion as the crime al- 
leged is enormous, in such proportion should be increased the clearness, the precision, 
the strength, of that testimony by which the proof of it is to be substantiated. Nor 
should we condemn a great number of persons on the same quantum of evidence, 
which would justly be decisive against an individual. Hence we ought to require, 
that a charge, by which the liberty, if not the lives, of so many tens perhaps hun- 
dreds of thousands of our fellow countrymen is involved, should be supported, not 
by presumptions, however pregnant, but by proof, the most ample, formal, and infal- 
lible. The Grand Jury say, " they have examined persons, who appeared to them, 
the most competent to give accurate information upon the subject." Who those 
persons are, they do not inform us ; and I confess myself quite at a loss to conceive 
upon what foundation they place the right, or can be prepared to defend the practice, 
of examining witnesses, unconnected with any indictment laid officially before 
them, or with any presentment which they were about to make to the court. But 
th«y have " examined the persons most competent to give information." Where are 
the examinations ? Were they taken upon oath ? Were the parties disinterested wit- 
nesses ? Or had they any inducements to create an impression, which might operate 
against accused persons of whom they themselves were directly or indirectly the 
prosecutors ? It is true, that the date of this document will place it at the conclusion 
of the sittings of the Grand Jmy. But, might not the evidence have been taken 
previously, though the document was not signed ? Or at least might not the feelings 
which prompted the determination thus to address Lord Sidmouth, have been pre- 
viously existent, though the act itself were not then consummated ? Upon these points, 
without meaning any disrespect to the Grand Jury, I think the Country has a right 
to expect to be informed. 

Having already fully examined the affidavits respecting drilling, upon that part of 
the address of the Grand Jury, which relates to the same subject, I shall say nothing. 
The assertion, that u not only have threats to persons and property been made 
" use of, and put into execution ; but even combinations have been formed, to dis- 
" countenance and ruin those shop-keepers, who have come forward in aid of the civil 
" power," is unfortunately not wholly unfounded. Since the 16th of August, but not 
before that day, such attacks have in a few, but only a very few instances been made, 
and then solely on persons whose unnecessary and gratuitous violence had rendered 
them particularly obnoxious. Nor can it be denied, that "combinations have also 
been formed to discountenance and ruin (but simply, by the poor withholding their 
own custom from them,) those publicans and shopkeepers," the natural consequence 
of whose own behaviour, was to give rise to them. But whatever degree of blame 
may attach to combinations such as I have been noticing, it must not be inferred, that 
they are confined to the Reformers. On the contrary, not only have they been stre- 
nuously recommended in the loyal newspapers, but they have been put in force by 
ladies, or at least persons, who should have acted as such, going round the town, and 



75 

We deem it however our duty to state some of the dif- 
ficulties with which we have had to contend, and which, 
as they are rapidly increasing, will press heavily on the 
gentlemen who are shortly to succeed us in office. 



using violent threats, to induce shopkeepers to sign the self-styled " loyal declara- 
tions." 

The Grand Jury afterwards proceed : "there is reason to believe, from the decla- 
w rations which have been openly made, that the object of the lower classes of these 
" people in general, is no other than to reverse the orders of society which have so 
" long been established, and to wrest by force from the present possessors, and to 
" divide amongst themselves, the landed property of the country." The persons 
against whom this charge is made, comprise a vast and daily increasing majority of 
the inhabitants, in the most populous districts of the kingdom. When, where, and 
by whom, were these " declarations made ?" Who are the witnesses, by whose 
credit the accusation is supported ? Or even, if individuals have made such declara- 
tions, is it just, that hundreds of thousands should be implicated in the follies, the 
faults, or the crimes, of a few ? They who presume any considerable portion of the 
labouring poor to harbour so atrocious a project, are, if possible, more ignorant with 
respect to their intelligence, than unjust in the estimation of their principles. The 
poor, taken as a body, (I am ready to stake my life for the truth of the assertion,) 
have no wish whatever, to invade the property of their affluent neighbours ; but, 
when the most arduous and unremitting industry scarce serves to afford them a 
scanty and stinted sustenance — when, in place of enjoying those comforts to which 
their industry gives them a right, they are, for successive weeks, and months, and 
years, in want even of the necessaries of life — when they know, (and of that fact they 
are well informed,) that taxation, by enhancing the price of every article of food, or 
clothes, absorbs nearly the half even of their miserable earnings ; can it be a matter of 
surprise, that they complain and are dissatisfied ? When year after year passes away, 
yet relief comes not, nor the pressure of distress is lightened; as the lengthening period 
of its duration exhausts the ability to sustain it — when peace, so long associated 
with the ideas of plenty, is to them only a continuation of suffering, ought we to 
wonder, if they should not scrupulously keep within the bounds of measured and 
moderate remonstrance ? But when treason is the crime alleged, and half the nation 
are the parties accused, what is the statement of the Grand Jury ? That " there is 
reason to believe ! /" Are the people of England to be satisfied with this vague and 
undefined suspicion ? Is it not unjust to build so serious a charge upon so untenable 
a basis ? Would it not be monstrous to credit it ? But the Grand Jury proceed. W In 
" one populous district, no warrant for ordinary offences, or other legal process, can 
" be executed — the payment of taxes has ceased, and the landlords are threatened 
" with the discontinuance of their rents." I inquire where that district lies ? Strange 
indeed it is, that no source of private information — no vehicle of public intelligence* 
should have communicated this alarming fact, till we find it thus whispered into Lord 
SidmoutK's ear, by the Lancashire Grand Jury : why have we never heard of it be- 
fore ? Was it concealed from Mr. Harrop ? Or did it stagger his credulity ? Did 
Mr. Wheeler hesitate to adopt it ? Why did it not occupy a place in the veraciom 



76 

Before Mr. Hunt made his appearance here, his follow- 
ers had given us much trouble ; they have now acquired 
so powerful an ascendency in the neighbourhood, that he 
is able at any time to agitate this town most seriously ; 
and by a very short notice to move an overwhelming popu- 
lation in any direction, and for almost any purpose. 

Your Lordship has, we believe, already been made 
acquainted with the decease of Campbell, one of our super- 
numeraries, who was literally stoned to death, publicly, 
in the forenoon of the 17 ult. merely because he was con- 
nccted with this office, (b) 

Another special constable now lies in the infirmary dan- 
gerously wounded under similar circumstances. 

More than a week before the meeting of the 16th ult. 
two of our beadles, who were protecting a man whilst 
posting the Prince Regent's Proclamation, were shame- 
fully abused as well as the man, and held prisoners, at the 
New Cross, by a mob of more than five hundred persons. 

The Boroughreeve and ourselves, with our deputy and 
four assistants, having proceeded to the spot, were also 



columns of the Post, or the Sun, the Courier, or the New Times ? Or was it purposely 
concealed from them as a bonne bouche, to stimulate the political appetite of the gen- 
tlemen at the assizes ? I confidently trust however, that the principles of British 
Justice, and of British Law, cannot be so far forgotten or overlooked, as that this 
astounding statement, unsupported and unauthenticated as it is, can receive a moment's 
credence. The " payment of taxes" may have " ceased;" the payment of " Rents" 
may have been "discontinued;" but, if it be so, to poverty and not politics, must we 
look for the cause. 

(b) In the Morning Chronicle, of the 18th September, will be found a report of the 
Inquest held on this person. This report is much less minute and formal than might 
have been expected, because the Coroner (perhaps, with a view to prevent the dis- 
covery of the deception here attempted to be practised on Lord Sidmouth, and ul- 
timately on the public,) refused to permit the reporter to take notes. Five or six 
witnesses proved that Campbell had been firing pistols loaded with ball, hours be- 
fore he received the ill-treatment which caused his death. Three of the Jury stated 
that he MM in the habit of firing pistols. It is astonishing that the Constables of 
Manchester should have lout themselves to the propagation of such a mischievous 
misrepresentation; particularly as the date of this letter (the day after the Inquest ) 
precludes the possibility of a supjwsition, that they could have forgotten the nature 
<>f the evidence. 



77 



violently attacked and beaten away with stones, previously 
taken up from the pavement for the purpose. 

For some time previously to the 16th ult. well dressed 
persons were sure to be insulted if they shewed themselves 
in the neighbourhood of New Cross, Newton-lane, An- 
coats, &c. &c. and were it not for the certainty, that the 
military could soon be at hand, no decent person would 
now venture near those places, (c) 

Since Mr. Hunt's arrival here, the respectable househol- 
ders have been kept in almost constant alarm, and the noise 
and uproar which uniformly attends his movements have 
produced the most dangerous consequences to many families. 

Amongst persons unconnected with business , a general dis- 
position prevails to leave the neighbourhood ; and of those 
who are able, to retire from trade, a considerable propor- 
tion seems determined to do so. 

The difficulty in collecting rents from those of the lower 
orders who are able to pay, increases daily, and serious de- 
gression in the value of property is consequently taking- 
place, (d) 

We have also much reason to fear that numbers, whom 
we had looked upon as neutral with respect to Mr. Hunt, 
are becoming partizans ; and we ought not to disguise the 
fact, that a degree of intimidation very generally prevails, 
zohich deprives us of the usually efficient support and cordial 
assistance of some of our principal inhabitants, (e) 



(c) Though candour obliges me to admit that there is some foundation for these 
complaints, yet, it is beyond doubt that in many cases, whei-e persons have been 
insulted, their own conduct has provoked it. With respect to the Beadles, no treat- 
ment that they can have received, exhibits more brutality than they have often dis- 
played. This is not meant to justify any abuse they may have received, but it natu- 
rally enough accounts for it. 

( d) This assertion would have been more likely to obtain credit, if the Constables 
had acquainted us upon what authority they make it. How can they form an off- 
hand judgement, as to who amongst the " lower orders" are able to pay their rents ? 
Besides, as poverty^ is daily increasing amongst the labourers, the difficulty of obtain- 
ing payment of rents will necessarily be enhanced. 

( e) The whole of this paragraph proves, as was the fact, notwithstanding the 
complexion which the Constables attempt to give to their statement, that there was 



78 

The Special Constables, as a body, were all that we 
could wish, and have given us abundant proofs of their 
loyalty and spirit ; but of those who are shopkeepers or 
publicans, many have so much lost their custom, that they 
must either cease acting or be ruined, 

The sacrifice of wealth and comforts which the Magi- 
strates have willingly made, can only be duly appreciated 
by ourselves, and we are bound to declare our belief, that 
nothing but the purest patriotism could have influenced 
or supported them. (/ ) 

An anxious desire to serve the public faithfully, has 
completely exhausted our worthy colleague, the Borough- 
reeve, and his life is still in danger; and, indeed, we are 
ourselves so much worn out, that we should shortly be- 
come unequal to our duty, were it not for the prospect of 
our year being soon ended. 

If we are asked, what has occasioned this state of so- 
ciety here? we must reply, the licentiousness of the press 
chiefly, aided by the inflammatory speeches of itinerant 
demagogues, and the establishment of schools for instruct- 
ing adults, as well as children, to revile and despise the 
civil and religious institutions of the country, (g) 

Whatever constitutional health or strength our succes- 
sors in office may fortunately possess, or however zealous 



a strong and general disapprobation of their public conduct. Those to whom they 
allude as becoming " partizans" of Mr. Hunt, were the enemies of military execu- 
tion and magisterial oppression. 

(f) I am at a loss to conceive what sacrifices of " wealth" our Magistrates can 
have made. When such a claim to public approbation is put forwards on their be- 
half, it ceases to be invidious to remark with respect to some of them, that, if they have 
sacrificed " wealth," it was none of their own. They may have supposed them- 
selves to be influenced by the " purest patriotism," but it was once said to persons 
« hose conduct was much less questionable ; u ye know not what spirit ye are ojV 

(g) I invite these gentlemen to point out one school, either in Manchester or 
elsewhere, answering to the description they have drawn. An accurate inve^ 
tion of the M union schools," in this and the surrounding towns, was undertaken by 
an intimate friend of mine, at the request of a most respectable member of parlia- 
ment ; the result of which enables mc positively to aver, that there is not a parti- 



79 

they may be in the discharge of their duty, we are firm- 
ly persuaded, my Lord, thing* cannot long go on in this 
way, (h) and we hope this conviction will be our apology 
for writing so much at length on this occasion. 
We have the honour to be, 
My Lord, 
Your Lordship's 
Most obedient humble servants, 
JOHN MOORE, Jun. 
JONATHAN ANDREW, 
Constables. 
To the Right Hon. 

Lord Viscount Siclmouth, 
&c. &c. &c. 

London. 



Macclesfield, Chhhire, August 18, 1819. 
My Lord, 
I BEG leave to acquaint your Lordship, that a mob 
of the reformers assembled last night about half pasteight 
o'clock P. M., in the market-place in this town : the 
Mayor read the Riot Act about half past eight P.M.; 
about nine the mob proceeded to a very outrageous at- 



cle of truth in the statement here made. In all the schools so designated, the Bible 
is the principal book used, religious services are regularly performed, and politics 
are sedulously and invariably avoided. They have however, it must be confessed, 
the demerit of" also avoiding- those anti-British and Tory principles, so diligently in- 
culcated at some other Sunday schools. 

(h) If Lord Sidmouth can attach any definite idea to the phrase, " things cannot 
long go on in this way," I must say he has a clearer comprehension than myself. 
I hope however the Constables, if they refer to the state of things since the 16th 
August, will prove to be true prophets. It is high time that the dominion of law 
should be re-established, and that those who have broken it, whether Magistrates, 
Yeomen, Constables, or reformers* should be brought to punishment. At an earlier 
period of their office, a little more moderation would have saved both the County 
and the Constables a world of trouble and uneasiness. 



80 

tack on the shop and printing-shop of Mr. Jonathan 
Wilson, printer of the Macclesfield Courier, and demo- 
lished the door and windows ; they also attacked the 
house of Mr. Thomas Grimsditch, solicitor, an officer in 
the Cheshire Yeomanry Cavalry, in the Macclesfield 
troop ; they broke all his front windows ; they attacked 
my house and demolished my front windows, &c. They 
took advantage of the absence of our cavalry on duty at 
Manchester, and part of the 3 1st regiment of foot, which 
were here till last night. Twelve at night an express came 
from Manchester ordering them to Stockport, so that we 
were left quite defenceless : we turned out and restored 
peace at last ; and this morning, at five A.M., the party 
of the 31st regiment arrived here from Stockport, and at 
ten A.M., our two troops of cavalry arrived from Man- 
chester. — The Mayor, accompanied by the rest of the 
Magistrates of this borough, read the Riot Act, and decla- 
red the town in a state of rebellion, and delivered it up to 
the charge of the military, from the circumstance of their 
having last night attacked the post office : and I humbly 
submit, that for the better and future security of the town, 
and persons and property, a troop of horse stationed here 
for a while would remove and disperse all danger. The 
whole most humbly submitted by, (i) 

Your Lordship's most obedient 

humble Servant to command, 

TIM. JONES. 

Lord Viscount Sidmouth. 



Glasgozo, 2£d August, 1S19. 
My Lord, 

IT affords me great satisfaction and pleasure that I 



(i) Either Tim. Jones does not tell a straight forward story, or the Macclesfield 
Mayor acts upon a new system. It is a strange course of* proceeding, to " read the 
Riot Act, declare the town in a state of relu-llion, and deliver it up to the charge of 
the military" on the 18th, because a riot was committed on the 17th of August. 



81 

have it in my power to inform your lordship , that the meet- 
ing of yesterday ended without any breach of the peace*, or 
even disturbance. We had every preparation made, by 
having the special constabulary to the number of about 
four hundred assembled, as well as all the police and other 
civil officers, and also the military drawn up in the bar- 
rack-yard, to act in case the civil power should prove in- 
efficient. Although all this was done without publicity or 
bustle, still it was not unknown to the crowd : indeed, in 
the speeches I understood that peace and good order were 
strongly inculcated by the argument of the preparations 
made to oppose contrary conduct. To the presence of 
the military do we therefore owe our present state. The 
object of the meeting on Thursday being of a nature more 
likely to draw an assemblage of the poorer classes, than 
the common one of parliament reform, and greater pains 
having been taken to bring them from every quarter, we 
contemplate that it will be much more numerously at- 
tended. God grant that it may end as peaceably. 

My Lord, I have the honour to remain 

Your Lordship's faithful servant, 

HENRF MONTEITH. 
Right Hon. Lord Sidmouth, 

&c. &c. &c. 



Leamington, 26th August, 1819. 
My Lord, 

I HAVE this morning received a letter dated 20th 
inst. from Mr. Haigh, Mr. Haigh Allen, and Mr. Hors- 
fall, three Magistrates acting at Huddersfield and in its 
neighbourhood, a copy of which I send for your Lord- 
ship's information. 

No doubt it would have been more satisfactory had no 
meeting whatever taken place ; but it is a subject of satis- 
faction that, taking place, it passed off peaceably, and 

M 



82 

that the assembled dispersed quietly r , without the interfer- 
ence of any constituted authority ; and no less so, that 
though a second meeting was announced for the following 
evening, it did not take place. 

I trust, however, that jour Lordship will approve the 
active vigilance of these Magistrates, and the precaution- 
ary measures which they have adopted, by swearing in a 
number of special constables, and by calling out the Hud- 
dersfield troop of yeomanry on permanent duty, and I am 
confident your Lordship may rely on their discretion, 
that the constituted authorities will not be unnecessarily 
committed in doubtful cases, but their powers used 
only WHEN manifest necessity shall justify their 
exercise, (k) 

I have the honour to be, 
My Lord, 
Your Lordship's most obedient, 
&c. &c. &c. 
WENTWORTH FITZWILLIAM. 
Viscount Sidmouth, 

&c. &c. &c. 

Huddersfield, August 20th, 1819. 
My Lord, 
WE think it our duty to inform your Lordship, that 
last evening, about seven o'clock, a large multitude of 
people was suddenly assembled within half a mile of the 
town, to the number (as near as we can ascertain), of 
three thousand. A person from Manchester related to 
them what had taken place there, and concluded by tell- 
ing them that now was the time to be revenged, (/ ) Ano- 
ther person then said, that all who were willing to sup- 



(k) Would to God, that such discretion had been exercised here on the lOth of 
August. What misery, what heart-burnings, what animosities, and, above all, what 
infringements upon our constitutional rights, might not have been avoided ! 

(/) There can be very little doubt that the person heie alluded to, actually was (a* 
the postscript intimates him to have been), a spy. 



83 

port the cause of radical reform by force, by physical 
force, should signify the same in the usual way ; which 
was answered by a tremendous shout from the multitude : 
he then informed them, that a meeting would be held the 
following night at Fixby Park, (about a mile and a half 
from Huddersfield). With arms ? was asked by the mul- 
titude. He said, we will not say with arms; but all per- 
sons are requested to provide themselves with such things 
as may in any way whatever be useful to them* 

We find that there have been several evening meetings 
suddenly called in different parts of the neighbourhood, 
since Tuesday, and we have every reason to believe that 
the meeting to-night is to be a concentrated meeting, as 
we are informed that a meeting in the neighbourhood of 
Halifax has been adjourned to meet at Fixby to-night. 

In consequence of these appearances, we have thought 
it our duty to order our troop of yeomanry cavalry to 
assemble this evening, upon permanent duty for three 
days ; we have also sworn in a number of special con- 
stables, which we trust will meet with your Lordship's 
approbation. 

We have the honour to be, with great respect, 
Your Lordship's most obedient 
humble servants, 
(Signed) J. HAIGH. 

B. HAIGH ALLEN. 
JOHN HORSFALL. 

Saturday morning. — The night has past over quietly. 
Numbers were seen returning to their homes late at night, 
most probably deterred from meeting by the precautions 
taken, and by a report circulated among the people, that 
the man who addressed them from Manchester was a spy, 

(Signed) J. H. 



B. H. L. 
J. H. 



To the Right Honourable Earl Fitzwilliam, 
&c. &c. &c. 



84 

Leamington, 28th August, ]$\9. 
My Lord, 
I HAVE the honour to transmit to your Lordship, a 
copy of a letter, dated the 25th instant, which I received 
this morning from the Mayor of Leeds ; likewise a copy 
of a requisition for convening a public meeting on the 
?0th inst. signed by certain householders of Wakefield, 
and left at the office of the clerk of the peace ; which also 
I received this morning — [ shall return immediately to 
\Y entworth. 

I have the honour to be, 

My Lord, 
Your Lordship's most obedient, 
&c. &c. &c, 
WENTWORTH FITZWILL1AM. 
V r iscount Pidmouth, 
&c. &c. &c. 



Leeds, August 25th, 1819. 
My Lord, 

1 DULY received your Lordship's letter of the 19th 
announcing your intention, if no unpleasant accounts were 
received from Manchester, to set out the following day for 
Leamington. 

I deem it necessary to acquaint your Lordship, that I 
think I perceive a considerable change working among 
our reformers. On Thursday last in the evening, a body 
of people, to the amount of several thousands, met upon 
Hunslet Moor, todiscuss the events at Manchester, simply 
upon a notice given by posting up a few written papers in 
two or three conspicuous situations in the town. Last 
evening another meeting took place by the appointment 
of the former, when, notwithstanding a heavy fall of rain, 
it is calculated full 3,000 persons were present; with the 
additional excitements of drums and bands of music, to 



85 

which they marched from the adjoining townships. They 
dispersed quietly. I fear these circumstances, added to 
the frequent meeting, announce a growing confidence in 
themselves, and a determination on the part of their lead- 
ers to push matters to an extremity. They hold more 
violent language in their speeches, and dwell in exagge- 
rated terms on the proceedings at Manchester ; and Sher- 
win's Register of the 90th inst. of which I have found it 
difficult to obtain a copy, the whole being sold off, is a 
most diabolical production ; he throws off all restraint, calls 
on the people to arm, states the impossibility of avoiding 
a revolution, or of subduing the people ; and treats the 
idea of accommodation as ridiculous ; surely it is time to 
attack the authors of such dangerous productions. 1 write 
this evening desiring Sir John Byng to order another 
troop of dragoons to Leeds. We have only one of thirty- 
two horses, which I think is too small a force to meet 
present appearances with. 

I have the honour to be, my Lord, 
Your Lordship's most obedient humble servant, 

G. BANKS. 



WE, the undersigned inhabitant householders of the 
town of Wakefield, do convene a public meeting to be 
held on Monday, 30th August, 1819, to take into con- 
sideration our unparalleled distress, (which we consider to 
have arisen from enormous taxation without representa- 
tion,) and the most effectual and constitutional methods 
for the removal and prevention of the same occurring in 
future ; 

RICHARD BROWN, Plumber and Glazier, Westgate. 
JOSEPH LOWE, Cloth Worker, Westgate. 
SAMUEL MOORE, Cloth Worker, Westgate. 
JOHN ROBINSON, Cordwainer, Kirkgate. 
JOSEPH LOCK WOOD, Cordwainer, Nelson Street. 



8G 

GEORGE MUSGREAVE, Waterman, Kirkgate. 
JOSEPH INSON, Waterman, Kirkgate. 
BENJAMIN HOWELL, jun. Waterman, Kirkgate. 
The chair to be taken precisely at four o'clock in the 
afternoon. 

Wakefield, August 23d. 1819. 



Wentworth, August 31, 1819. 

My Lord, 
I HAVE the honour of transmitting, for your Lord- 
ship's consideration, copies of three letters, all of which I 
have received this morning ; 1st. from Colonel Horton, a 
Magistrate of the West Riding, resident near Halifax, 
dated the 27th instant; 2d. from the Mayor of Leeds, 
dated the 27th instant; 3d. from Mr. Foljambe, Deputy 
Clerk of the Peace, dated Monday evening, 9 o'clock. 
I have the honour to be, 
My Lord, 
Your Lordship's most obedient, 
&c. &c. &c. 
WENTWORTH FITZWILLIAM. 
Viscount Sidmouth, 
&c. &c. &c. 



(Copy.) Halifax, August 27, 1819. 

"My Lord, 

ATTENDING a general meeting of Magistrates yes- 
terday, at Wakefield, to consider the additions to the 
House of Correction^ I thought it necessary to give my 
opinion of the state of this part of the Riding ; and I beg 
to communicate the same to your Lordship. 

I have great reason to believe that the lower orders, in 
this part of the country, arc -eery much irritated by the Ian- 



87 

dable conduct of the civil and military authorities at Man- 
chester, and warmly espouse the cause of the Revolution- 
ists; for such they are. 

Speaking entirely of the actual labouring class, I have 
not a doubt that a very great majority have the above feeling, 
and would act upon it, if they dared, at this moment. 

Various assemblages have been held in this parish and 
Huddersfield, since the occurrences at Manchester. The 
object being (as there is great reason to believe) to deter- 
mine as to the propriety of marching to Manchester to 
avenge themselves, which has not been thought prudent at 
present. 

These assemblies were called privately, and it is very 
difficult to obtain correct information ; but though I do not 
apprehend any immediate danger, I am well convinced 
there is reason to fear that some violent attempt will be made 
by the disaffected, if very great precautionary measures 
are not adopted. It is quite certain the object is absolute 
Revolution; the attempt at which will cause much mischief. 
This parish has always been much quieter than H udders- 
field ; but the disposition lately evinced, has induced 
Colonel Dearden and myself to swear in about three hun- 
dred special Constables, and to call a meeting of the prin- 
cipal inhabitants. 1 intend to attempt to raise a troop of 
yeomanry cavalry here, and I have hopes of offering one to 
your Lordship. In the mean time 1 have stated to Lord 
Sidmouth, that it is necessary to society that one troop of 
regulars should be placed here, (m) 

I wish to add, that it was the opinion of all the Magi- 



ftft^ Were there any thing in the rank or character of the writer of this letter, 
to render his opinion a matter of importance, I should reply to it more at length. He 
only derives consequence, from being unfortunately placed in a situation, in which he 
may do mischief. His style ranks him as a fit associate for Mr. Lloyd. His neigh- 
bours however, it may be remarked, either did not coincide in his apprehensions of 
an attempt at " absolute Revolution," or did not like to be brought into contact with 
him, by the yeomanry scheme, which completely failed. 



88 

trates at Wakefield, amongst whom were Sir Francis 
Wood, Mr. Wortley, and Mr. Lowe, (vvitli whom I coin- 
cide) that it is not by any means necessary your Lordship 
should hasten your return from Leamington at this mo- 
ment. 

I have the honour to be, 
My Lord, 
Your most obedient humble servant, 

THOMAS HORTON. 
Earl Fitzwilliara, 
&c. &c. 



Leeds, 97th August, 1819. 
(Copy) 
My Lord, 

I BEG your Lordship's reference to my letter of the 
25th instant. The meeting of Magistrates which I men- 
tioned it was my intention to convene for this day, has 
taken place. I stated at this meeting, that in conse- 
quence of the new symptoms which are showing themselves 
in the proceedings of the reformers, Iliad been induced to 
request Sir John Byng would send us another troop of 
cavalry, which he has consented to do. I also read to 
them the copy of the letter I had sent to your Lordship, 
and of one I had sent to Lord Sidmouth, in which I had 
given the same details as to your Lordship, and inclosed 
to him the mischievous number of Sherwin's Register, al- 
luded to in my last. 

That I deemed it my duty to make this communication 
to my Lord Sidmouth, I think I omitted to mention to 
your Lordship, which you will have the goodness to at- 
tribute to the hurry under which T was obliged to write 
my letters on Wednesday evening. 

I am happy to say, the opinions I have formed, and the 
measures 1 have adopted, met the full approbation of my 



89 

brother Magistrates, as I hope they will of your Lord- 
ship. 

I feel perfectly confident, with the military force which 
I shall have to-morrow at my disposal ; and I sincerely 
hope the strong attitude we have taken in this respect, 
without hitherto interfering with the proceedings of the 
reformers, will have due weight with them, and deter 
them from going to the dangerous lengths they have in 
Lancashire ; and which, I am quite satisfied, is the ob- 
ject of their leaders. 1 am most anxious to avoid any 
contact with them, until they commit themselves by some 
breach of the peace, when I might be warranted in a deci- 
sive interference, 

I have a strong objection, which I think it right to 
name to your Lordship, to make use of the Yeomanry, 
except as an auxiliary force, and in case only of emer- 
gency. I perceive a strong hatred exists against this 
force, which is carefully cherished by all the reformers ; 
and if, unfortunately, we should require their services, 
the probability is, that in discharging their duty they 
would lay the foundation of perpetual heart-burnings and 
animosity. 

I have not yet Tieard of any day being fixed for ano- 
ther meeting here ; there will be one at Wakefield on 
Monday next. 

If any thing further occurs worth communicating to 
your Lordship, I shall take the liberty to write to you. 

I have the honour to be, 
My Lord, 
Your Lordship's most obedient 

and most humble servant, 

GEORGE BANKS. 

Earl Fitzwilliam, 
&c. &c. 



90 

(Copy.) 
My Lord, 

I AM just returned from the meeting, with Sir Francis 
Wood, Mr. Scott, and Mr. John Maude, amounting to 
about 2000, a great part were spectators. 

Mr. Willan in the chair. The speakers were Messrs. 
Mitchell, Mason, Jackson, and another; all of whom, 
Sir Francis desires me to inform your Lordship, talked a 
great deal of nonsense, but not Treason ; and the resolu- 
tions passed were similar to those at Manchester and other 
places. Supposing your Lordship would be anxious to 
hear the result, I send this by a special messenger. All 
went off 'peaceably. Nothing was required by the Act 
passed SIst March 1817, as it expired on the 24th July 
1818 ; but I thought it proper to send to your Lordship 
a copy of the notice left at this office by these deluded 
people, who, 'providentially, are not aware of that circum- 
stance. 

I have the honour to remain, 

Your Lordship's most humble servant, 

JOHN FOLJAMBE. 

Monday evening, 9 o'clock. 



Edinburgh, September 15, 1819. 
My Lord, 

THE proceedings of the reformers at Manchester have 
been imitated at Paisley. Though allowed, without moles- 
tation, to meet and to talk sedition, they afterwards pro- 
ceeded to violence, and continued their operations during 
the following day, although it was Sunday. Riots have 
also taken place in Glasgow. I have thought it right to 
communicate to your Lordship the whole information on 
the subject, of which 1 am possessed, and this you will 
find inclosed. 

On the perusal of these documents, 1 think your Lord- 
ship will agree with me in opinion, thdt the Magistrates 



91 

have acted with great prudence and moderation, and it now 
only remains for them to act with vigour if these proceed- 
ings are continued. — In haste, 

I have the honour to be 

Your faithful servant, 

W. RAE. 
The Viscount Sidmouth, 
&c. &c. &c. 



Paisley , Tuesday, Hth Sept. 11 o'clock. 
My Lord, 
ON my return here yesterday, I found the town in 
great ferment. In the course of Sunday evening, the 
windows of a number of houses in all quarters of the town 
had been broken, particularly those of the clergy. The 
same thing was renewed on Monday, but with more sys- 
tem and deliberation. The plan chiefly adopted was to 
disperse on the appearance of constables, and to lurk in 
closes till an opportunity was found of sallying forth and 
throwing stones. As the cavalry could not pursue the 
rioters down the closes, we sent for infantry from Glas- 
gow to guard the principal stations, and the cavalry dis- 
persed any crowds which collected at the ends of streets ; 
but with instructions only to strike with the flat of the 
sabre. Military posts were stationed during the night at 
the chief outlets of streets, and preserved tranquility. 
The charges of the cavalry were executed with great mo- 
deration ; and not till of ter printed notices that the Riot Act 
had been read were fixed on poles, and carried through the 
crowd, (n) It is satisfactory that no person has been kil- 



(n) It is remarkable, that in these documents there is no account whatever of the 
commencement of the Riots at Paisley, on the 11th September. Is it because the 
Magistrates there were so obviously the aggressors, that the narrative is sup- 
pressed ? I wish to ask those who have dared to assert, that all means were taken 
to inform the crowd on the 16th of August, that the Riot Act had been read, whe» 



92 

led ; nor, as far as I have heard, any one severely hurt. 
But if the scenes of yesterday be renewed to-day, I fear 
the moderation which has hitherto been observed cannot 
be continued. 

Proposals were made to the Magistrates, by the ring- 
leaders of the mob, offering to restore tranquility, pro- 
vided they gave up the flags, and liberated the prisoners, 
which I mention as indicative of the spirit by which the 
rioters are actuated.' 

Paisley ', 5 o'clock. 
Every thing is quiet up to this hour, at least apparently 
so ; but the streets are still more crowded than usual. I 
have been engaged chiefly this forenoon in taking the de» 
clarations of those we have apprehended. Our prisoners 
are very numerous, and our gaol here was nearly full before 
the riots. The Greenock gaol has received five, but will 
not hold more : and I beg leave to request, that the pro- 
per authority be immediately obtained by your Lordship, 
authorising the transmission of prisoners to Glasgow gaol, 
under the present emergency, and requiring the Magis- 
trates of Glasgow to receive and detain them. 
I am, my Lord, 

Your obedient and humble servant, 

JOHN DUJNLOP. 



Glasgow, Xkth September , 1819. 

My dear Lord, 

FOR a very brief account of the proceedings here last 

night, I refer your Lordship to our Proclamation of this 

day, of which J send a copy by this night's post. The 

assemblage took place rather unexpectedly. After lamps 



ther " printed notices" of that fact, " were fixed on poles and carried through the 
crowd." This is so obvious an expedient, that its not having been done, cannot be 
attributed to oversight. 



93 

and windows had been broken we read the Riot Act; and 
then authorized the dragoons to clear the streets with their 
sabres, having previously been assailed with vollies of 
stones from a house at present rebuilding in an adjoining 
street. The soldiers, as usual, behaved with great mode- 
ration. About a hundred prisoners were made ; but we 
discharged upwards of fifty of them before two o'clock, 
A.M.; and I fear we shall only be able to procure evi- 
dence against a few of those we have still in custody, 
amounting to about thirty. This check has not been suf- 
ficient. They are rather elated, it seems, than otherwise, 
by the success of their diversion in favour of Paisley ; 
and, if we may rely upon the accounts we have received 
from different quarters, we shall have the same scene 
again to-night, for which we have made the necessary 
preparations. 

I am, ray dear Lord, 

Respectfully and faithfully yours, 

JAMES REDDIE. 
The Lord Advocate of Scotland. 



Wentworth, 95th September, 1819. 
My Lord, 

I must apologize to your Lordship for an apparent 
tardiness in forwarding the report made to me by the 
Mayor of Leeds, respecting the occurrences of Monday 
last, within his jurisdiction ; but when it reached this 
place I was absent. 

I have now the honour of transmitting a copy of his 
letter. / am confident your Lordship will learn with the 
greatest satisfaction, that it passed off without the slightest 
interruption of the public peace : notwithstanding the oc- 
casion had drawn together, in Leeds, such an immense 
assemblage of people, as had never before been seen in 
Leeds, who marched in solemn procession to Hunslet 



94 

Moor ; the inflammatory speeches of the orators had not 
attraction to retain them together ; they dropped off" by 
degrees, and at the conclusion of the business, not more 
than had been usually seen at ordinary meetings con- 
tinued to attend. 

I am no less confident that your Lordship will applaud 
the judicious conduct pursued by the Mayor, and like- 
wise the precautionary arrangements which he had made, 
in case of necessity. 

I have the honour to be, 
My Lord, 

Your Lordship's most obedient, 
&c. &c. &c. 

WENTWORTH FITZWILL1AM. 

Viscount Sid mouth, 
&c. &c. &c. 



(Copy.) 

Leeds, 20th Sept. 1819. 
My Lord, 
IT may be satisfactory to your Lordship, to receive 
from me some account, though short and imperfect, of 
this day's meeting on Hunslet Moor. 

About eleven o'clock there was an evident movement in 
the streets, and numerous arrivals in small parties of 
people from the country ; these continued increasing very 
much till about one o'clock, when the large detachments 
from the adjoining townships, and also a very numerous 
one from Dewsbury, headed by VVillan, having arrived, 
. the procession moved on to Hunslet Moor, where it ar- 
rived about three o'clock, accompanied by a band of 
music, and a great variety of flags, with various mottos ; 
the particulars of which I am not yet acquainted with. 



95 

A man of the name of Chapman took the chair ; some 
violent speeches were delivered: a number of resolutions 
past, such 1 understand as we have witnessed in Lan- 
cashire, and a collection made on the spot, under the 
pretence of applying the produce to enable Hunt to sus- 
tain the prosecutions in process against him. 

The crowd which first appeared on Hunslet Moor, 
must have infinitely surpassed any thing of the kind 
which was ever before known in this place ; but, being 
composed of the idle and curious, as well as the mis- 
chievous, the former not finding attractions for them, 
they began, together with the women and children, early 
to retire ; and before the business of the meeting was 
dispatched, the numbers were reduced so low, as at the 
last meeting, not exceeding 4 or 5,000 ; although I can- 
not doubt, there must have been at one period, perhaps 
about four o'clock, little short of 20,000 souls present — 
the whole affair has terminated 'peaceably. 

The only measures of precaution I adopted, with the 
approbation of my brother Magistrates, were these. I 
ordered the regular constables of the town, under their 
chief, to assemble at the Court House ; as also the watch 
and patrole, under their captain, at five o'clock, where 
I attended, with the Recorder, and a few other Ma- 
gistrates, until a little after eight, by which time the whole 
affair was over, and all the parties appeared to have quietly 
dispersed. 

With regard to the military, I desired the commandant 
of the squadron of dragoons to give strict orders to all 
his men to keep close in their quarters, holding themselves 
and their horses in perfect readiness, in a moment's no- 
tice ; and as my object was to avoid display, I did not give 
out any orders till the assemblage had quitted the 
town. 

After leaving the Court House> I had an engagement 
with the Committee at the Workhouse, which has detain- 



90 

ed me so late, that I fear my letter will scarcely be in time 

for the post. 

I have the honour to be, 

My Lord, 

Your Lordship's most obedient 

And most humble servant, 

(Signed) GEORGE BANKS. 

To Earl FUzwilliam, 

&c- &e. &c. 



Halifax, October 5, 1819. 
Sir, 

1 AM glad to say there was no further disturbance here 
yesterday, after the meeting had dispersed, except that 
three or four of the alehouses were full of persons drink- 
ing late in the evening : whereas they had been ordered 
to close them at eight o'clock ; and the constables had 
great difficulty in clearing them, which could only be 
done by force ; the people shewing the worst possible 
spirit. The heavy rain fell most fortunately, as it drove 
home those who came from the country ; otherwise I 
have little doubt the constables would have been over- 
powered. 

Every report I receive justifies me in declaring, that 
more than fifty thousand persons were assembled, and that 
most of them had something on which they relied more than 
their slicks, some of which were actually shouldered, being 
rather clubs than sticks. 

There could not be more than a few thousands on the 
Moor from the town itself; crowds came in every direc- 
tion, and this place seems to have been well selected, be- 
ing destitute of defence. 

I have the honour to be, 
Sir, 
Your most obedient humble servant, 

THOMAS HORTON. 
To H. Hobhouse, Esq. 

&c. Stc. 



97 

Gateshead, loth October, 1819. 
My Lord, 
WE have the honour to acquaint your Lordship, that 
we have addressed a letter this morning to the Lord 
Lieutenant of the County, respecting the present state of 
Chester ward, in the county of Durham, of which we de- 
sire to forward a copy to you. 

We have the honour to be, 

Your Lordship's humble servants, 

ADAM ASKEW, Chairman. 
H.G. LIDDELL. 
ROBERT SHAW. 
G. T. LEATON. 
CHA. THORP 

J. COLLINSON. 

To Lord Sidmouth. 



Copy of the Letter sent to the Lord Lieutenant. 

My Lord, 
WE, the Magistrates of Chester Ward, assembled at 
a general meeting, feel it to be our duty to represent to 
your Lordship, that from the proceedings upon the river 
Tyne, and the general state of the ward, we are unable 
to answer for the preservation of the public peace, or the 
security of the inhabitants, without an increase of the 
military force. 

We should be glad to have the yeomanry force of the 
ward put into activity ; and trust that your Lordship 
will adopt such measures as you may think requisite 
upon the present emergency. 

(Signed) ADAM ASKEW, Chairman. 

H. G. LIDDELL. 
ROB. SHAW. 
THO. BAKER. 
GEO. THO. LEATON. 
J. COLLINSON. 
CHA. THORPE. 



98 

Raby Castle, October 15, 1819. 

My Lord, 
I BEG leave to inform your Lordship, that in conse- 
sequence of an urgent requisition from the Magistrates in 
the North district of this county, and from the Mayor of 
Newcastle, who has stated to me, that he had been at- 
tacked in the execution of his duty, I have judged it ex- 
pedient to order out the South Tyne Yeomanry Cavalry, 
and to place them under the authority of the Magistrates, 
who must be responsible if they order the military to act, 
andl have urged them strongly not to do so, unless the 
civil power is overcome, or incompetent. I cannot help 
observing, that the refractory keelmen, and the radical 
reformers, are, I trust, perfectly separate, although very 
inflammatory language and seditious writings are diffused 
amongst the former, who formed, I suppose, a part of that 
large assemblage of people, who met on Newcastle Moor, 
on Monday, but who appear to have quietly dispersed. 
I have the honour to be, 
My Lord, 

Your Lordship's 
Very obedient and humble servant, 

DARLINGTON, Lord Lieutenant. 
To Viscount Sidmouth. 



Westleigh, October 17, 1819. 
My Lord, 
CONCEIVING it my duty, I have the honour to in- 
close to your Lordship, several copies of informations on 
oath, accompanied by a petition, signed by most of the 
respectable inhabitants of the town of Leigh, in which I 
perfectly coincide ; and have good reason to believe, that 
without the protection of the military, neither their per- 
sons nor their property will be safe much longer. 



99 

The acerbation of temper amongst the weavers, or, as 
they stile themselves, the reformers, produced by severe 
privations, from the lowness of wages, and infuriated by 
seditious publications and cheap pamphlets, indus- 
triously circulated amongst them, has prepared thtm for 
the perpetration of the most atrocious crimes, and they 
openly declare their intention, by a simultaneous movement 
in the night, to seize property wherever they can find it y 
and destroy the possessors thereof; and it is added, that 
the period is not far distant, (o) 

I beg leave to state, that a single troop of horse would, 
in my humble opinion, be adequate to the purpose, pro- 
vided it was stationary for a few months; as it would 
enable us to put the Watch and Ward Act in force, 
which, in the present state of things, I do not deem prac- 
ticable. 

I have the honour to be, 
My Lord, 
Your Lordship's most obedient servant, 

R. MARSH. 
To Lord Sidmouth. 



County Palatine^ The information of P. Q. taken upon 

of Lancaster K oath, before me, Richard Marsh, 

to wit. J Esq. one of His Majesty's Justices 



(o) We have here another instance of the levity and want of consideration with 
which the poor are charged with the most atrocious projects. The " open decla- 
rations " here stated, are overt acts of treason, and it is impossible to presume, that 
any magistrate would be guilty of such a dereliction of duty, as to suffer persons, 
by whom these monstrous crimes were avowedly contemplated, to continue at large. 
It must be, that Mr. Marsh had no grounds to warrant the apprehension of any 
individual. Consequently, he could have none to justify a general and indiscri- 
minate accusation. The four affidavits, which follow Mr. Marsh's letter, are of a 
very equivocal description, particularly that of the " Informant, who pretended to 
fall asleep." That is an old trick. It was practised by the respectable Mr. Cas- 
tles, with respect to Hunt and Watson. It was also in vogue during the Irish 
rebellion. 



100 

of the Peace, in and for the said 
county, the 14th day of October, in 
the year of our Lord, 1819. 

Who saith, that about a fortnight ago, he received or- 
ders from several persons, to make about twenty pikes, 
bjt this informant did not make them, nor does he know 
the persons who ordered them. That this informant be- 
lieves he could have had orders for one hundred pikes, 
if he had chosen to accept the order. 

(Signed by) P. Q. 

Sworn at Westleigh, in the said 
County, the day and year 
above written, before me, 

(Signed by) It. MARSH. 

County Palatine~\ The information of Q. Ii. taken upon 

of Lancaster, > oath before me, Richard Marsh, 

to wit. J Esq. one of His Majesty's Justices 

of the Peace, in and for the said 

county, the 14th day of October, in 

the year of our Lord, 1819. 

Who saith, that of late, about one hundred persons 
have mentioned, distantly, to this informant, as to his 
willingness to make pikes, but he hath uniformly re- 
fused ; that about forty persons have applied directly, 
and in person, to this informant, to make pikes for them, 
but that he hath refused every application ; but this in- 
formant cannot take upon him to swear to his knowledge 
of the persons so applying, except * * * * 

(Signed by) Q. R. 

Sworn at Westleigh, in the said 
County, the day and year 
aforesaid, before me, 

(Signed by) R. MARSH. 



101 

County Palatine\ The information of U.S. taken upon 
of Lancaster, > oath before me, Richard Marsh, 
to wit. J Esq. one of His Majesty's Justices 

of the Peace, in and for the said 
County, the seventeenth day of Oc- 
tober, in the year of our Lord, one 
thousand eight hundred and nine- 
teen . 

Who saith, that some persons, about a week ago, called 
at this informant's house, who are of the class called Re- 
formers ; that as they were speaking seditiously this in- 
formant pretended to fall asleep, when he heard the said 
persons say, that it was the intention to rise in the night, 
upon the 1st day of November next, and that it was to be 
done all through the country, and they would divide the 
property amongst them. That two other persons have 
said, in this informant's house, that the blacksmith at 
Pickley Green, in Westleigh, in the said county, was 
busy making pikes, and had hired a man to file them. 
That this informant did not know the said persons, but 
from their language he understood, that the pikes were to 
be used to kill the gentlemen, and to take their property. 
(Signed by) R. S. 

Sworn before me, at Hindley 

aforesaid, 

(Signed by) R. MARSH. 

County Palatine ^ The information of S. T. taken upon 
of Lancaster, > oath, before me, Richard Marsh, 
to wit. J Esq. one of His Majesty's Justices 

of the Peace, ill and for the said 
county, the 14th day of October, in 
the year of our Lord One Thousand 
Eight Hundred and Nineteen. 

Who saith, That he has made various iron instruments, 
similar to the one he now produces, by order of different 



102 

persons, but docs not know their use ; he has made about 
sixteen or eighteen, and has orders for twenty more for 
the Bedford side, to be ready by Saturday the 16th in- 
stant : believes he could have orders for one thousand if 
he could make them ; they are made by order, with points 
and keyholes, to fasten into a staff, and the pattern and 
material is usually brought by the person ordering them. 
He has made one for , and one for ; 

but does not know the names of any others. He was not 
aware that they were unlawful weapons, but has lately 
been told that they are. That this informant has no objec- 
tion for any 'person to stand in his shop to see him make them, 
or to see who calls for them. 

Sworn at Westleigh aforesaid, the day ) Signed with the 
and year above written, before me ' Mark of S. T. 
(Signed by) R. MARSH. 



Newcastle, October 17, 1819. 
My Lord, 

I HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of 
your Lordship's favour of the 15th ; it is impossible to 
contemplate the meeting of the 1 1th without awe ; 
more especially if my information is correct, that 700 of 
them were prepared with arms (concealed) to resist the 
Civil Power. These men came from a village about three 
miles from this town, and there is strong reason to suspect 
that arms are manufactured there : they are chiefly forge- 
men. I have given all the information that I have received 
to the Magistrates for the county of Durham, it being 
within their jurisdiction. 

1 had desired the Town Clerk to write the particulars 
of (he riot at Shields by last post, being so entirely en- 
gaged in the discharge of my official duties, that I had 
not a moment to do so myself— I am truly sorry to learn 
that he had not written. 



103 

The Keelmen having on Tuesday morning last stopped 
the waggons and proceeded to other acts of insubordina- 
tion, it was determined, that the Magistrates for Nor- 
thumberland and Durham, accompanied by dragoons, 
should go down on the North and South sides of the river, 
and that I should go on the river. Four boats from His Ma- 
jesty's ships met me about three miles from Shields. We 
effected all we wished : the ships loaded at the spouts, 
and I protected four keels to Shields : they moored to the 
ships ; the owners said they only required some Consta- 
bles left to protect them, and dismissed His Majesty's boats ; 
and having discharged my duty, I went on shore, leaving 
the steam packet and Constables to protect the crews of 
the keels. There did not appear the least reason to sus- 
pect riot, or an attack upon the packet. I had not been 
twenty minutes on shore, where I had ordered some refresh- 
ment for myself, when I received a message from the pac- 
ket to send them immediate assistance, as their lives were 
in imminent danger. I sent to Captain Montague request- 
ing his boats, and made an immediate attempt to get to 
the packet: I found it absolutely impossible, without sa- 
crificing my life to no purpose. Between three and four 
hundred of the mob were upon the quay, showering stones 
into the packet. In the course of a few minutes, I was 
informed His Majesty's boats were arrived ; I made ano- 
ther attempt to get on board — it was impossible. At this 
time I marked one man, who appeared a leader ; he threw 
stones, and as he retreated to seek more stones, and was 
stooping for that purpose, I seized him, and with the aid 
of another gentleman, took him prisoner: he is a shoe- 
maker, has seven men employed under him, and was one 
of the Radicals who marched from Shields on the 1 Ith. 
Within a few minutes I heard the report of two muskets 
and went out to know the cause, and was informed that 
they were fired from the shore ; this was not the case ; they 
were fired by marines, in the air: very soon two or three 



more were fired, and I heard a cry of murder ; one man 
was killed. The mob immediately turned their fury to me, 
saying, I had ordered the firing. The room in which 1 
was, was attacked with stones and brick bats ; in a minute 
the glass sashes were demolished : the house, a very large 
one, belonging to the Duke of Northumberland, was 
surrounded ; the windows demolished. I had at the be- 
ginning sent for two Magistrates at Shields; they could 
not come, and at this critical moment, when the mob 
broke open the door, and were rushing in to take me,- the 
High Constable, Mr. Joshua Donkin, arrived, and assur- 
ing them that it was impossible that 1 could give the order, 
they became more quiet. I had previously gone to the 
door to make the same assurance, but was assaulted with 
a volley of stones, two of which took effect. They then 
demanded the prisoner : as he was well known, he was re- 
leased, and hopes were entertained that they were satisfied. 
In three or four minutes the attack was renewed in front 
of the house; Mr. Donkin and myself went out at the 
back door at the moment the mob rushed into the front ; 
we were not recognized, and got off: they searched every 
rooom, even chests fcr me. The Inquest is sitting : there 
is no doubt of a verdict of justifiable homicide. 1 am 
happy losay I have reason to believe the business between 
the Keelmen and Owners will be settled to-morrow ; but, 
this will not render us secure, the reformers are now in a 
stale of almost rebellion. I applied to Lord Darlington— the 
yeomanry are all under arms ; four companies of the 40th 
marched here at four o'clock on Friday morning, and 
more come to-morrow. Post is going. 
I am, 
My Lord, 

Your Lordship's obedient servant, 
A. KEED, Mayor. 
Lord Viscount Sidmouth, 

&C.&C &c 



105 

Manchester, October 21, J 8 19. 
My Lord, 
FROM every quarter the universal information and opi- 
nion is, that the people are in a great measure armed, and 
are continually, and as quickly as possible, and as exten- 
sively arming. 

It is strongly surmised that pikes have been, and are, 
sent from Birmingham in boxes, and I have put this matter 
in a train of investigation. 

I fear, also, my Lord, it is but too true that many hun- 
dreds of small-priced pistols have been sold in this town 
within a very short period, and that the lower classes are 
purchasing them in great numbers, (p) 
I have the honour to be, 

My Lord, 
Your Lordship's faithful humble servant, 
J. NORRIS. 
Lord Viscount Sidmouth, 
&c. &c. &c. 



Lancashire ^The Examination of T. U. taken upon Oath 

to wit. ^before me, the Reverend Thomas Dunham 

Whitaker, Clerk, Doctor of Laws, one of 

His Majesty's Justices of the Peace in and 

for the said county, this eleventh day of 

October, 1819. 

This afternoon about four o'clock, I went into the 

smithy of Ralph Miller, in Mellor, in the said county, 



(p) Mr. Norris surely can feel no surprise at the facts he enumerates in this letter. 
Up to this period Englishmen have lived unarmed, (notwithstanding' their unquestiona- 
ble constitutional right to carry arms for self-defence) because they were confident that 
their lives and liberty were under the protection of the law. But when one class of 
the population is armed avowedly in opposition to another, — above all, when a part 
of that armed class have at the point of the sword dispersed a meeting peaceably, 
and which, at least, supposed itself legally assembled, maiming, cutting, and •tramp- 

P 



106 

to inquire after my son-in-law, who has run away from his 
master, who is a blacksmith. I found Ralph Miller and 
a young man at work at the forge ; there were in the smi- 
thy about five or six other men, who appeared to be 
weavers; they were sitting, and seemed to be watching 
the smith's work. I inquired from Ralph Miller, whether 
he had seen any person answering the description of my 
son-in law, whom 1 described? he said, he had not; one 
of the weavers said to me, he (meaning my son-in-law) is 
making pikes like these ; at the same time this person took 
up an unfinished pike from the ground under the bellows, 
and shewed it to me ; (I had before stated that my son-in 
law's master was a blacksmith.) Ralph Miller turned his 
head towards the man who had taken up the pikes, and 
smiled. 1 then inquired of Ralph Miller, if he could 
make me heels to my shoes ? he said he could not, he was 
too busy. One of the weavers said, he (Ralph Miller) 
was too busy making pikes ; another of the weavers asked 
me, if there were any pikes in our neighbourhood? I said 
I had not seen any, but I had heard that there were a good 
many coming to the Bolton meeting next Wednesday from 
Haslingden ; one of the weavers answered, we know that. 
One of the weavers then asked me, if they would come 
with their pikes ? I said, I had heard so; another of the 
weavers said, " and we will too.'' One of the weavers 
then took up another pike, which was nearly finished ; I 
inquired the price of it ; one of the weavers said it was a 
shilling ; a young man dressed like a weaver, who was 
using the large hammer for the young smith, said it was 
fourteen pence. I asked the young man who was dressed 
like a weaver, to sell it to me ; but he said, I could not 



ling upon hundreds of the individuals, who composed it ; and legal redress has been 
sought for in vain ; that the people should think it necessary to provide themselves 
with the means of defence, cannot be surprising, however much it may be to be de- 
plored. And let it never be forgotten, that we have no authentic proofs of the provid- 
ju»g of arms by the people, until after the 16th of August. 



107 

have one then, as they had none finished. I was in thff 
smithy about an hour and a half, during which I had a 
good deal of conversation with the weavers and the two 
smiths, in the course of which one of the weavers said, 
there was no way for them but rising altogether. One of 
the weavers asked me, if I thought there would be any 
thing to do at Bolton, at the reform meeting next Wed- 
nesday? I said I could not tell, but that people were 
afraid there would be. Another of the weavers said, there 
would be bloody work ; another said, they would not be, 
as they were at Manchester, unarmed ; that they had a 
right to go to the meeting armed. The old man, Ralph 
Miller, was present during the whole of this conversation ; 
he appeared to be rather deaf, and was busy at work 
during the greater part of the time, but he must have 
heard the whole, or a part of the conversation. 

T. U. 

Taken before me, T. D. Whitaker. 

Lancashire^ Examinations of Witnesses taken upon oath 
to wit. j before m e, the Reverend Thomas Dunham 
Whitaker, Clerk, Doctor of Laws, one of 
His Majesty's Justices of the peace in and 
for the said county, this twelfth day of Oc- 
tober, 1819. 

U. V. in the county of Lancaster, deposes as follows : 
This forenoon, about half-past ten o'clock, in consequence 
of a request from***, one of the constables of Black- 
burn, I went into Mellor, which is about four miles from 
Blackburn, in company with V. X. to purchase a pike 
from Ralph Miller, of Mellor aforesaid, blacksmith. In 
passing Ralph Miller's smithy, we saw a number of per- 
sons standing there, and, not knowing how they were dis- 
posed, we went forward to a public-house in Mellor, 
known by the sign of the Millstone, and called for two 
glasses of ale. I then sent V. X. to the smithy, to request 



108 

Ralph Miller to come down to me, and to tell him that a 
person wanted to speak with him. In about a quarter-of- 
an-hour or twenty minutes, V. X. and Miller came into 
the public-house together, and sat down in the room in 
which I was ; no other person was in the room. I told 
Miller I did not like to call at the smithy, as we saw some 
men about; Miller said, you need not have minded 
that, for they are come about pikes. After Miller had 
Leen seated a few minutes, V. X. informed me, that he 
had mentioned the business to Miller. I then produced 
to Miller a small pistol, and asked him, if he could put me 
a screw in which was wanting ? Miller took the pistol into 
his hand, and examined it, and asked me what a pair of 
pistols such as that might cost ? I told him, perhaps a 
guinea. I then asked him if he had any of the other ar- 
ticles ? (by which 1 meant the pikes). He said he had 
some, but they were not ground up yet I then asked him, 
how soon he could settle us up two ? he said, about two 
hours ; I then asked him the length of them ? Miller then 
took up a tobacco-pipe, and shewed me the length, which 
appeared to be about fourteen inches. 1 then asked 
him the form which they were in ? he said, he thought 
they were straight, and very sharp at the point, and well 
steeled at the small end, and made with a shank to fit into 
the staff, and that in that shank there was a hole to put a 
nail through to make it fast. I then asked him, if there 
were not pikes made with a hook ? he said, he had made 
one, and the hook screwed in near the lower end, and the 
hook was flat and sharp, but they were not well liked, as 
the cavalry horses now r had chains in the bridles, to pre- 
vent them from being cut, and the pike he had made in 
the form which he was describing, he had disposed of to 
a person in Blackburn, who put out pieces in Mellor for 
some manufacturer in Preston, and he believed that he had 
sent it to London, it was such a handsome one ; that he 
had given him two shillings and ten pence for it. I then 



109 



asked Miller what purpose they were to be appropriated 
to ? he said, they were to charge against the cavalry. He 
said, he had made some hundreds of pikes, and a great 
many had gone into Harwood, principally to Harwood 
and Rishton, and all that he had by him made at present 
were eight, and he thought he should make no more, as 
he was afraid of being 1 apprehended by the Justices' or- 
ders, but he did not see where they could have any hold 
of him ; I answered, I did not know whether they had or 
not, but I desired him to take another glass of ale, and get 
these ground up for us, as we could wish to be off. In 
consequence of that, Miller went away ; I waited near 
two hours at the public-house, during which I sent V. X. 
twice to get Miller to make haste with the pikes. At the 
end of the two hours I went up to the smithy : I saw two 
lads turning a grindstone at the back of the smithy, and 
two men holding on two pikes, to polish or sharpen them. 
V. X. brought one of the pikes into the smithy, and gave 
if to me into my hand. I asked him if it was finished? 
the old man said, no, not yet; I gave it to him into his 
hand ; he just rubbed up the edges with a file, and said 
it wanted whetting upon a stone ; I told him never to 
mind that, we could do that when we wanted to use it. 
V. X. then went out and fetched the other pike, which 
he delivered to Miller, who rubbed up the edge of the 
pike with a file, and then went out of the smithy for a 
sheet of paper, which he wrapped round each pike sepa- 
rately, and delivered one to me, and the other to Y. X. 
I paid him fourteen pence a-piece for them, and two 
pence for two hoops. I inquired of Ralph Miller, if it 
was likely that many persons would go out of that neigh- 
bourhood to the Bolton meeting ? he said he thought a 
great many would go on; that side. We then came away. 
The pikes now produced are those which I so purchased 
from Miller. U. V. 

Taken before me, T. D. Whitaker. 



110 

V. X. being sworn at the same time, deposeth as fol- 
lows ; I came from Burnley this morning, with T. U. and 
went with him into Mellor. We called at the Millstone. 
T. U. sent me up to Ralph Miller's to get him to come 
down to the public-house. I met Ralph Miller between 
the smithy and his own house ; 1 asked him to come 
down ; he said, What is your business ? I told him that 
another gentleman at the public-house wanted to speak to 
him about some pikes ; I told him there was a meeting at 
Bolton, and we meant to go. Ralph Miller then took me 
into his smithy, and shewed me some pikes ; I do not 
know how many there were ; they were under the bellows 
in the smithy, covered with ashes. I told Miller that the 
gentleman at the public-house had a pistol which he 
wanted settling ; Miller then went with me to the public- 
house. He sat about ten minutes in company with T. U. 
and myself. T. U. produced a pistol to Miller, and ask- 
ed him if he could put him a screw in it ? Miller looked 
at it a considerable bit, and asked T. U. what would be 
the value of a pair ? to which T. U. said, about a guinea. 
Then T. U. asked Miller if he had any pikes ? Miller said, 
he had some by him, but they were not finished ; T. U. 
asked him, how soon he could finish two? Miller answer- 
ed, perhaps in two hours. Miller said, he had made a 
pike with a hook for a man who put out goods, and it had 
been sent to London, for any thing he knew, but that the 
other pikes were more liked, because the cavalry now had 
chains to their bridles. T. U. asked Miller what was 
meant to be done with these pikes ? Miller answered, that 
they were to charge the cavalry with. There was other 
conversation between Miller and T. U. Miller went 
away to finish two pikes for us. When he had been gone 
away a few minutes, T. U. sent me up to the smithy to 
ask if the pikes were ready. As soon as I went into the 
smithy, the ojd man, Ralph Miller, ordered ayoungraan, 
who appeared to be a smith, to take two pikes, and grind 



Ill 

them directly ; the young man took two pikes from under 
the bellows. I and another man went with the young 
smith to the grindstone behind the smithy ; the young 
blacksmith and another man held each one pike upon the 
stone, and two men turned the stone ; one of the bystanders 
asked me who my companion was ? I said 1 did not know. 
They asked me, if he was a speaker ? I told them, I did 
not know. They then asked me, where we were going to ? 
I said, I did not know whether Bolton or not. They told 
me, that a person who had been speaking in Yorkshire 
was missing, and they wished to know if this was he. 
They then wished me to go to a white house, where mo- 
ney was gathered for the support of speakers ; they shew- 
ed me the house, which was about three hundred yards off, 
and told me they paid one penny a week there ; I told 
them I durst not take any money, without acquainting my 
master. I then went down to T. U. to ask him if J must 
take any money ? he said I must not, and I went back and 
told them so. I then went into Miller's smithy, and re- 
mained there till T. U. came up. T. U. went into the 
smithy, and I followed him. 1 then fetched a pike from 
the young smith, and took it into the smithy, and gave it 
to T. U. who asked Ralph Miller if it was finished ? 
Miller said it was not, and he took it and filed it, and said 
it wanted whetting. T. U. said it would do, he could 
whet it up when he wanted it. I then went and fetched 
the other; Ralph Miller filed it up. T. U. asked him 
the price, which Ralph Miller said was fourteen-pence 
a-piece, and two-pence for the hoops; we paid him that 
price for them. The old man wrapped up the pikes in 
paper, and gave one to me, and another to T. U. and we 
then came away. The two pikes now produced are those 
which we so received from Ralph Miller. V. X. 

Taken before me, T. D. Whitaker. 



112 

Lancashire to wit. 

Examinations of Witnesses taken upon Oath before me, 
the Reverend Thomas Dunham Whitaker, Clerk, 
Doctor of Laws, one of His Majesty's Justices of the 
Peace in and for the said county, this thirteenth day 
of October, 1819 — against James Morris and John 
Knowles. 
X. Y. deposeth as follows; Yesterday about eight 
o'clock in the morning, I went with Y. Z. to the house of 
the prisoner James Morris, in Iiaslingden Grain. We 
got there about eleven o'clock in the forenoon ; we found 
Morris at work in his smithy ; he was mending some tools. 
1 asked him if he had any winding-machines by him ? he 
said he had none finished off. I then asked him if he 
could have one ready by next Sunday week ? he said, yes. 
James Morris then asked the prisoner if he was for Bol- 
ton ? he answered, yes, they could not do without him. 
Morris, the prisoner, then pulled out a pike-head from 
under a quantity of turf in the smithy, and said, there is 
the winding-machine you want, I suppose ? I said, yes, 
that is the tool itself. He then pulled out two other pike- 
heads from the same place, and asked if those articles 
would do, and if we would grind them down ourselves ? 
We then asked him the price of two of the pikes ? he an- 
swered, three shillings, he could take no less. We pur- 
chased two pikes for three shillings. The prisoner Mor- 
ris then looked at me, and said to Y. Z. that man has 
plenty of money, I answered, yes, I have a note. The 
prisoner then said, get shut of it as soon as you can, for it 
will be of no use to-morrow after Bolton meeting. He 
then asked me if 1 should be there ? In the course of the 
conversation with the prisoner, he said, it is of no use to go 
to Bolton meeting, without they took these tools with than 
to defend themselves ; and referred to the Manchester meet- 
ing, which he called Peterloo. The pikes now produced 
are those which we purchased as is above stated. 



113 

Y. Z. and I then proceeded to John Knowles, of Raw- 
tenstall. About three or four o'clock in the afternoon we 
called at the Wheatsheaf, which is a door or two from 
Knowles's smithy. In passing the smithy on the way to 
the Wheatsheaf, I saw Knowles at work upon the steady, 
hammering a pike. I sent the landlady for Knowles ; he 
came in a few minutes. We gave him something to 
drink. Y. Z. asked him if he had any pikes ? he said he 
had four, but they were not quite finished off. Knowles 
then went out of the house, and in about five minutes 
came back with a short man : the short man (whose name 
I do not know) brought with him several pikes, covered 
up in a wrapper. Knowles then sat down, and drank 
Hunt and Liberty, and revenge to peterloo meeting. 
Another man came into the room, and produced a pike 
from under his coat, and said to me, this pike I have just 
got made for my son. Y. Z. took up the last mentioned 
pike, and asked the price ? Knowles said it was three shil- 
lings and sixpence. I asked Knowles if he had made it 
himself? he said he had, he had made many a score. 
He then asked me where I came from ? I said, from Ac- 
crington. Knowles said there were many had gone into 
that quarter. We then bought two pikes, one of which 
cost two shillings and four-pence, and the other two shil- 
lings. I then inquired of the landlord what the shot 
was ? he said, nine pence. I said, I had but seven pence 
halfpenny : Knowles said, I will give you three halfpence, 
reformers are not within three halfpence one to another. 
I then asked Knowles if we could go no way private ; 
Knowles shewed me the way to the back door ; we came 
that way, and brought the pikes with us : they are the 
pikes now produced. 

X. Y. 

Y. Z. deposeth as follows : I have heard the preceding 
examination of X. Y. read, and the same is true in every 
particular. The pikes now produced are those which 

Q 



114 

were purchased from the two prisoners as is above 
stated. 

Y.Z. 

Taken before me, T. D. Whitaker. 

U. V. deposes as follows : this morning at two o'clock 
I set out from Blackburn in company with * * *, a de- 
tachment of cavalry, and others, for the purpose of ap- 
prehending James Morris of Haslingden Grain, and John 
Knowles of Rawtenstall. We reached the prisoner Mor- 
ris's house at a little past three o'clock in the morning ; 
we got admittance into the house and apprehended the 
prisoner, and then proceeded to search the house. * * * 
and I and some of the soldiers went up stairs ; I found in 
a room up stairs a pike head concealed under a lathe 
among the turnings ; • * ' • then took a candle, and 
found two pistol stocks concealed upon a shelf near the 
roof ; one of the stocks had a barrel let into it ; in ano- 
ther room, * * * and I found a box which was locked ; 
we called out for a key ; one of Morris's sons, a lad of 
about 15 or 16 years of age, said the key was lost ; I then 
attempted to break open the box ; the lad then said to us, 
will you break it open ? 1 told him we would if he did 
not produce the key ; the lad then produced a key from 
his breeches pocket and delivered it to * * * ; * * * 
opened the box, and in it we found about four pounds 
weight of leaden balls in an unfinished state. I afterwards 
found two poles, each about five feet long, put up a chim- 
ney in the same room, which appeared to have been in- 
tended for pike shafts : we then reached the smithy and 
out-buildings, and found in the smithy, close to the an- 
vil, a piece of iron beaten, which appears to have been 
intended for a pike head. We then sent the prisoner off 
to Blackburn, under the care of * * *, and * * *, to 
whom we delivered the articles found as above stated. 
The articles now produced are those which were found. 

* * * and I and a party of soldiers then proceeded to 



115 

ftawtenstall, to the house of the prisoner John Knowles : 
it was about five o'clock when we reached his house ; 
Knowles was in bed ; * * * called to him to get up ; 
Knowles inquired who wanted him ? * * * answered, it 
was an old friend ; Knowles called out, what are you for, 
Bolton ? * * * said yes ; Knowles then came down 
stairs, partly dressed, and opened the door and was im- 
mediately apprehended : * * * accompanied him up 
stairs whilst Knowles dressed himself. I proceeded to 
search Knowles's smithy, and in a cupboard in the wall I 
found the socket of a pike head and a small pistol ; I 
found upon a bench near the cupboard a small box, con- 
taining the papers now produced, and which I have 
marked. One of the papers contains the letters u Hunt 
and Liberty," written in roman letters with a pen ; ano- 
ther, the pattern of a pike ; another is entitled at the top, 
" Rawtenstall Section, No. 1," and it is ruled in square 
columns and contains several numbers : and another pur- 
ports to be an epitaph on the constitution. We brought 
Knowles off, and I kept the articles which were found, 
as above stated, and they are those which are now pro- 
duced. In our journey back to Blackburn I rode with 
the prisoner in a chaise ; I had some conversation with 
him ; I asked him if he had sold any pikes within this 
week or fortnight ; he said he had not ; but he said he had 
made several, and would make for any body who came to 
order them ; he was only working for wages, and work 
was scarce ; I then shewed him the pike which I had 
found upon his premises, and asked him if he had made 
any of that pattern ; he put one finger up the socket and 
said he had made that pike, but on examining it a second 
time he said he had not made it ; it was a very clumsy, 
rough thing, it had been sent to him as a pattern : it be- 
gan to rain, and I observed that I thought it would pre- 
vent many people from going to the Bolton meeting ; he 
said he thought not, for they did not much mind being 
wet. U. V. 

Taken before me, T. D. Whitaker. 



116 

* * * deposes as follows ; 1 have heard the preceding 
examinations of U. V. relative to the two prisoners, read : 
so much of it as relates to me is true : during the time when 
1 was with the prisoner Knowles up stairs, and while he 
was dressing, one of the soldiers said to Knowles, you are 
a clever fellow, you understand making pikes very well : 
Knowles answered he could make a pike as well as any 
man in England, (q) • 

* * * 

Taken before me, T. D. Whitaker. 



Hamilton Palace , November 6, 1819. 
My Lord, 
1 HAVE to acknowledge your Lordship's two letters of 
the 1st. and 2d. of November, upon the subject of the 
Yeomanry Cavalry, and will endeavour to give every 
effect to the same ; your Lordship holding always in 
view, what I before said of the great difficulty attending 
it. To the natural difficulty, attached to the situation of 
the farmer, &c. &c. in this country, there appears now a 



(q) These four affidavits, like those with respect to drilling, prove the publicity 
with which what is now represented as an unlawful pursuit, was carried on. T. U. 
speaks of about five or six other persons being present, whilst the pikes were made. 
U. V. saw a number of persons standing near Miller's smithy. X. Y. and Y. Z. de- 
pose that Morris said, " It is of no use to go to the Bolton Meeting, without they 
" took these tools with them to defend themselves, and referred to the Manchester 
" Meeting which he called Peterloo." They also state, that Knowles drank " Re- 
venge to Peterloo Meeting." U. V. deposes, that when Knowles was apprehended, 
he said he had made several pikes, " and would make for any body who came to order 
u them. He was only working for wages, and work was scarce." I am therefore fully 
borne out in my assertion, that the making of pikes was not by these persons con- 
sidered to be illegal. Nor in itself, is it so. It is only when they can be proved to 
the satisfaction of a Jury, to have been made in contemplation of an unlawful purpose, 
that the making of them becomes an offence. But it is also important to remark, that 
the circumstances which occurred at Manchester on the 16th, are constantly referred 
to, as the inducement to procure arms for self-defence. The Magistrates, therefore, 
are the persons to whom all the blame of the degree of arming, wliich there has been 
iince that period, ought to attach. 



117 

novel one, proceeding from the alarm excited by those 
who compose the various and numerous meetings in this 
district of country. In regard to the general state of 
affairs, your Lordship has other sources of information, 
perhaps better than mine ; but were I to venture to offer 
an opinion of my own, I should say, that the state of men's 
minds is such, at this moment, that the most trifling irritation 
would lead to disturbance ; and should any violence com- 
mence, there are no means, nor should I be able to coun- 
teract it. 

As the meeting of Parliament will occasion my absence 
from the country, ere long, I must repeat to your Lordship, 
that this neighbourhood continues in a state of extreme distress 
— generally in want of employment, and under a consider- 
able degree of agitation ; all of which appear more likely to 
increase than diminish. If therefore your Lordship should 
have any particular communication to make to me, or any 
directions to give connected with the public service in 
this country, I am anxious to receive the same, before my 
approaching departure, which will probably take place in 
about eight or ten days. 

I have the honour to be, 
My Lord, 
Your Lordship's most obedient 

and most humble Servant, 
HAMILTON & BRANDON. 
The Viscount Sidmouth, 
&c. &c. &c. 



Hamilton Palace, Nov. 7, 1819. 

My Lord, 

I YESTERDAY communicated to the Lord Advo- 
cate, to be laid before Sir Thomas Bradford, a letter that 
I had just received from a very respectable Magistrate. 



118 

He states that in his neighbourhood, the farmers, &c. &c. 
who were required to act as constables or volunteers, 
although well-disposed so to do, did not dare to come for- 
ward on account of the menaces of their neighbours. I 
have again this day received a report, of which I have the 
honour to inclose a copy. Your Lordship will see that 
the alarm which prevails in their district precludes those 
gentlemen likewise from being able to procure signatures 
from the very persons who they are persuaded are dis- 
posed to sign. 

This part of the country is unfortunately surrounded by 
idle Irishmen, Weavers, and Colliers, who create a gene- 
ral uneasiness ; and if any means are to be carried into effect 
to separate the good from the bad, or to maintain order 
and public justice, it is requisite that the civil power, and 
the peaceable part of the population, should know how 
and where to find support and protection. I must recom- 
mend to your Lordship's serious consideration the above 
important statement. 

I have the honour to be, 

My Lord, 

Your Lordship's obedient humble Servant, 

HAMILTON & BRANDON. 
To the Lord Viscount Sidmouth, 
&c. &c. &c. 



Parish of Old Monkland, 7th Nov. 1819. 
My Lord Duke, 
WE, the subscribers, the deputation from the commit- 
tee of Old and New Moukland, for obtaining subscriptions 
to a declaration of loyalty, as well as for volunteer caval- 
ry and infantry, beg leave to lay before your Grace, as 
Lord Lieutenant of the county of Lanark, the following 
statement with regard to these two parishes witli which we 
are connected : that it is impossible to obtain a subscription 



119 

to the declaration of loyalty with effect, or to obtain signa- 
tures for forming either volunteer corps of infantry or ca- 
valry in the present disturbed state of the district, however 
anxious the loyal and well-disposed part of his Majesty 's 
subjects therein are, because of the apprehension they en- 
tertain from the ill-disposed and turbulent people with 
which they are surrounded : we, the subscribers, there- 
fore wish to represent the absolute necessity of having a 
rallying point, which we consider alone can be effective, 
by having a military force stationed at Airdrie, as the only 
proper place of rendezvous for that purpose : we therefore 
hope your Grace will take the earliest opportunity of re- 
presenting our statement to the Secretary of State. 
We have the honour to be, 
My Lord, 
Your Grace's most obedient and humble Servants, 
(Signed) DAVID BUCHANAN, Dep. I A. 
CHARLES PIE, Major Gen. 
JAMES TENNENT. 
His Grace the Duke of Hamilton, 
&c. &c. &c. 
Lord Lieutenant of the county of Lanark. 



Hawkhead, November 9/h, 1819. 
My Lord, 

ON my arrival in this county, 1 found that the tone 
of feeling and proceedings of the vast manufacturing po- 
pulation of this neighbourhood, were of a description 
calculated to excite the utmost alarm in the well-affected, 
and that the public mind was considerably agitated by 
the insidious and too successful promulgation of sedi- 
tious principles, as well as by the late more open, auda- 
cious attempts, to interrupt the public tranquillity. 

In this populous manufacturing district, revolutionary 
principles have made alarming progress. For a consider- 



120 

able period, the utmost pains have been taken to spread 
a spirit of disaffection in this county, by an unexam- 
pled spirit of proselytism, to perpetuate the evil, by in- 
stilling the most pernicious principles in the minds of 
youth, and to obliterate all religious feeling in this once 
religious district. 

The statutes for repressing seditious clubs and societies, 
have induced the disaffected to conduct all their pro- 
ceedings by committees, which are appointed at smaller 
meetings, to manage the preparations for the larger ; and 
a system of rapid communication of political intelli- 
gence and orders is organized, in which, what are called 
" Unions," hold a conspicuous place. These u Unions," 
which are daily becoming more numerous, consist of 
classes or subdivisions of Reformers, who hire an apart- 
ment convenient for their local residence, where they 
procure newspapers and pamphlets of a seditious ten- 
dency. Notwithstanding the distresses of the times, 
there are few operative manufacturers, who do not find 
the means of reading such publications. 

The assumed right of mustering from various quarters, 
to the point of meeting, with banners, bearing seditious 
symbols and inscriptions, or with inscriptions, which, 
though unexceptionable in the abstract, are made to serve 
the same purpose, has swelled the ranks of the disaffected, 
in consequence of the temptations which are thus af- 
forded to idle curiosity : and the impunity with which 
this is done, has added to the effect which the speeches de- 
livered on such occasions have on the minds of hearers 
already discontented, and predisposed to listen with ea- 
gerness and credulity to the prospects of innovation, so 
confidently held out to them. 

Three of these meetings have been held within the 
last three months, in the county of Renfrew. The second 
of these, held on the 11th of September, was followed by 
disturbances which continued for three days before they 



121 

were effectually suppressed. At the last meeting, held 
on the 1st of November, at a village some miles distant 
from Paisley, numerous flags were carried in procession, 
bearing inscriptions calculated to convey alarm into the 
minds of the well affected, and inspire those of different 
dispositions with confidence in an impending revolution. 
There were also at this last meeting, two important fea- 
tures which had not been witnessed in those by which it 
was preceded — the junction of bands of females, as part 
of the exhibition, and the display of arms. The osten- 
sible arms were chiefly bludgeons, but it is well known 
that many were prepared both with pistols and other wea- 
pons. Both in proceeding to the place of meeting, and 
in returning from it, there was a striking exhibition of 
movements, executed in the streets of the town by seve- 
ral thousand persons, with military precision, silence, and 
order. The pretence alleged for arming was self-defence^ 
and this precautionary measure was said to have reference 
to the late events at Manchester^ and to the exertions of 
the special constables and military, in quelling the riots 
at Paisley, on the 1 1th of September. 

While these public meetings, thus held with a display 
of banners and arms, serve to inspire the disaffected with 
confidence in their numbers, they overawe and intimidate 
many who would otherwise have disclaimed seditious 
principles., and have gladly arrayed themselves in aid of 
the Civil Authority. 

Even the special constables, who have been enrolled 
and provided with batons, for the preservation of public 
tranquillity, feel reluctant to act with that vigour which 
is necessary. 

There is not, at present, in this county, any corps of 
Yeomanry Cavalry, nor armed association of any de- 
scription whatever, to counteract these menacing prepa- 
rations, nor any suitable accommodation for the reception 
of regular troops, so that they can be kept united, when 

R 



122 

called on by the civil Magistrate, or saved from that 
contamination of principle, which is also an avowed ob- 
ject among the Reformers. 

On the whole, I think it my duty explicitly to state to 
your Lordship, that while the Reformers of this district 
call out u Order" at their meetings, and can systematically 
preserve it too, when it suits their policy or humour, their 
public harangues are of the most audacious and revolu- 
tionary description: the expectation of a subversion of 
the Government, is so deeply rooted in their minds, that 
whenever a leader shall arise, or a favourable moment oc- 
cur, I fear a considerable portion of the population could 
not be depended on. 

I have been induced to enter more fully into the si- 
tuation of this county, as I believe the above will not be 
found an inaccurate representation of the management 
and proceedings of the Reformers in some other disturb- 
ed districts of the West of Scotland. 

I have the honour to be, 

With the greatest respect, 
My Lord, 
Your Lordship's most obedient 

Most humble servant, 

GLASGOW. 

The Right Hon. Viscount Sidmouth, 
&c. &c. 



Halifax, Nov. 9, 1819. 

Sir, 

IT was expected that great numbers of persons would 

from here attend the meeting at Huddersfield, yesterday, 

but it was thought sufficient to close the alehouses at 

eight o'clock. 



123 

It does seem to me, however, that a most outrageous 
breach of the peace was effected last night here. In truth, 
all zee can expect is, that on the next occasion, absolute 
plunder and destruction of property, and perhaps of life, 
will he the consequence. This is the natural and obvious 
march of the spirit that pervades this part of the coun- 

1 enclose for Lord Sidmouth's information, copies of 
the examinations I have taken. It is ray intention to ap- 
prehend the parties, and if the complaint be proved, to 
commit them, or hold them to bail to answer at the next 
assizes. 

THOMAS HORTON. 
To H. Hobhouse, Esq. 
&c. &c. &c. 

West Riding ^John Brierley, Deputy Constable of Hali- 
of Yorkshire. 3 fax, came before me, this ninth day of 
November, 1819, and on oath saith, 

That near eight o'clock last evening, he met many hun- 
dreds of persons near to Barum Top in Halifax, coming, 
as he believes, from the meeting at Huddersfield ; that 
they marched in ranks about eight or ten abreast, with 
music, and six or seven flags, and lighted candles ; many 
of them had sticks, some large ones on their shoulders ; 
that at Barum Top they shouted and fired many pistols in 
the air ; as they went on, he thought they became more 
riotous, repeating their fire quicker, and he thought it 
his duty, though quite alone, to attempt to preserve the 
peace of the town ; and with this view he went to the 
man who had the great drum, and rapping on it with 
his constable's staff, charged him to cease playing or beat- 
ing, saying, the town must not be disturbed in that way : 
that the drummer did cease to beat, as also the band in 
general, in a great degree : marching down the street, 
the firing went on again, also the music. Near the White 



124 

Lion Inn, deponent received on his right leg a very severe 
kick, which nearly took his legs from under him ; he is 
certain that Joseph Baines, of Halifax, is the man who 
assaulted him, and ran away directly, treading back- 
wards and forwards, through the ranks, and that he 
must have known deponent ; Baines was close to him, and 
deponent following him, till he was perfectly certain who 
it was ; deponent then went down the street with the 
crowd, the band playing all the way, and pistols being 
fired, and loud shouting made ; deponent says, the street 
down which the crowd marched is the most public one 
in the town, and they must have marched about half a 
mile through it, reckoning from Barum Top to the Tal- 
bot ; that, seeing the crowd halt at the front door of the 
Talbot, he ran round to the back door, and went in to 
get the front door fastened ; that a few of the mob had 
already entered the house. 

That, in going down the street, he saw Joseph Wood, 
the son of James Wood, of Halifax, mason, and John 
Jngham, junior, of Halifax, plasterer, marching in the 
ranks of the mob ; that he cannot say who it was that 
fired any of the pistols ; that he left the mob at the Tal- 
bot door shouting and firing pistols, and went himself to 
have the alehouses near it shut up. 

JOHN BR1ERLEY. 
Sworn before me, 

Thomas Horton. 

West Riding ^Mr. David Mallinson, of Halifax, clerk, 
of Yorkshire, j came before me, this 9th day of Novem- 
ber, 1819, and on his oath, says, 

That near eight o'clock last evening, he saw a large 
crowd of persons go down the main street of Halifax, 
with lighted candles, a band of music, and flags, shout- 
ing very much, and firing pistols ; that he followed them 
to the front of the Talbot Inn, where the crowd halted, 



125 

the door being fast ; that they marched in regular order ; 
that he observed Joseph Roberts, of Halifax, sail-maker, 
on the Talbot steps, speaking to the crowd, beginning by 
calling them brothers, or countrymen, or some such term ; 
that he does not know exactly what he said, but thinks the 
object of his speech was to call on the crowd to thank the 
band for their attendance, also saying something about ra- 
dical reform ; that he saw Roberts that morning going 
towards Huddersfield with a stick in his hand, not a yard 
long, like a cudgel, but does not know whether he had it 
at night. 

D. MALLINSON. 
Sworn before me, Thomas Ilorton. 



Manchester, Nov. 10, 1819. 

My Lord, 
THE state of this town and neighbourhood remains 
much the same as when I last wrote to your Lordship. 
On Sunday last, between six and eight o'clock, a pistol 
loaded with ball was jived into the lodgings or sitting room 
of a Mr. Mutrie, who gave evidence before the coroner on 
the inquest of John Lees, as to the attack of the mob on 
the Manchester Yeomanry. On Monday night, about 
eleven o'clock, a pistol, loaded with slugs, was fired into 
one of the bed rooms of Mr. Thos. Hardmaris house, in 
Quay-street ; but fortunately, without injury ; and two or 
three other instances of the firing of pistols, with malicious 
intent, have also occurred. I mean ultimately to collect 
the instances, on oath, for your Lordship's information. 
/ much fear they will increase before the meeting of Par - 
liament, and most likely in a degree to call on the Legis- 
lature to interfere, (r) Meetings still continue to be 



(r) It is a remarkable fact, that the circumstance of Mr. Mutrie's sitting room 
having been fired into, was scarcely heard of here, until this letter was made public ; 



12(5 

held, though not in this immediate neighbourhood. One 
was held at Wigan, about twenty miles distant, and ano- 
ther at Huddersfield, distant twenty-six miles, on Monday 
last, both large meetings. 

I have the honour to be, 
My Lord, 
Your Lordship's faithful and humble Servant, 
Lord Viscount Sidmouth, J.NORRIS. 

&c. &c. &c. 



Blackburn, Nov. 10, 18 J 9. 
• My Lord, 

I HAVE thought it expedient to transmit to your 
Lordship drawings of different pikes, which have been 
seized in this neighbourhood, for the purpose of remov- 
ing the incredulity which even yet seems to prevail in 
some minds as to their existence, (s) 

I must now request your Lordship's attention to ano- 
ther subject of immediate and urgent importance. 

It is the general opinion, that the spirit of the reform- 
ers, as they entitle themselves, is on the decline ; an opi- 
nion grounded solely on their present quiet and silence. 

I have strong reasons for thinking very differently. 
For, in the first place, pikes continue to be made and cir- 



whilst, of the alleged firing into Mr. Thomas Hardman's house, I never before 
heard a syllable. The hint that such cases " will increase before the meeting of 
parliament," gives some support to the current opinion that these cases were timed 
with a view to that event. I shall only say, it is strange, that in four or five 
cases " of the firing of pistols with malicious intent," not one instance of the slight- 
est injury to any individual should have occurred. Does not this fact render it pro- 
bable that nothing further was intended, than that the report of them should be heard 
in the House of Commons? 

(*) The learned Doctor's expedient " for removing the incredulity which even 
yet seems to prevail in some minds as to the existence of pikes," is much upon a par 
with that of the man, who proved the personal existence of the Devil, by saying, he 
had " often seen the picture of him." 



127 

culated daily, in different parts of the country, and with 
perfect impunity, as, in consequence of former seizures, 
the makers will sell to none but known friends, and will 
enter into no conversation with strangers (excepting in a 
single instance) on the subject. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 

T. D. WHITAKER. 
To Lord Viscount Sidmouth. 



Haigh Hall, Wigan, Nov. 11, 1819. 
My Lord, 

ONE of the seditious meetings, the nature of which I 
need not describe, was held on a common, distant about 
two miles from Wigan, on Monday the 8th instant. Its 
object was evidently to feel for the disposition of the in- 
habitants of Wigan and its vicinity. 

About six thousand persons assembled round the tem- 
porary stage, and probably about four thousand persons 
more were present, but they remained at such a distance 
as shewed that curiosity alone had led them to that spot. 
The meeting was held at the requisition of some low per- 
sons of Wigan, but they were joined on the common by 
the dangerous rabble of Bolton, who were all armed with 
bludgeons, and rumour says, with arms, chiefly loaded 
pistols, which was manifested by the explosion of them 
towards the close of the day. Harrison addressed them 
from the stage or platform. 

The mob carried eighteen flags, with the usual symbols 
of sedition ; they had selected the day of the quarter ses- 
sions being held at Liverpool, for their meeting ; but the 
Magistrates of Wigan and its vicinity were aware of that 
trick, and remained at their post. The Magistrates were 
seven in number, myself being the chairman, which has 
induced me to trouble your Lordship with a communica- 
tion of the events of the day. 



128 

Sir William Gerard, with thirty-nine of his Yeomanry 
Cavalry, being the effectives of two troops, attended 
Wigan at the requisition of the Magistrates. As the lead- 
ers had selected a large common for their meeting, the 
Magistrates thought it adviseable not to interfere with 
them, as, situated there, .the.y could do no mischief; and 
they thought it quite sufficient to send to the spot a body 
of special constables to preserve the peace and order ; the 
Magistrates, Yeomanry Cavalry, and the superior class of 
the inhabitants of Wigan, remained in the burgh, await- 
ing the result. In this position the Magistrates rested, 
having determined, that as the meeting of Parliament was 
so near, they would pay no attention either to the leaders 
or their flags, and the day passed away with the greatest 
order and tranquillity. 

I have the honour to remain, 

Your Lordship's faithful and obedient Servant 

BALCARRES. 
Viscount Sidmouth, 
&c. &c. &c. 



The following is an Extract from the Speech of Mr. Har- 
rison, on Monday the 8th of November, 1819. 

" If any man molests you, or oppress you, knock him 
" down — keep him down — and cut him when he is down." 

It has been inculcated here, and with too much success, 
that the people have a right to carry concealed arms, for 
the purpose of self-defence, against the disturbers of their 
meetings, (t) 



(t) " It has been inculcated here, and with too muck success, that the people have 
a right to carry concealed arms, for the purpose of self-defence against the disturbers 
of their meetings." Provided their meetings be peaceable, and for a legal object, 
there can be no doubt that hitherto the people have a right to carry arms for the pur- 
pose of defending themselves against the disturbers of their meetings. Few will deny 
either, that they have or ought to have that right. 



129 

Police Office, Manchester, Nov. 12th, 1819. 
My Lord, 

WE have the honour to commence our official corres- 
pondence with your Lordship on a painful and alarming 
subject — the attempted assassination of Mr. Nadin — an 
event which we understand was communicated to your 
Lordship by Mr. Norris, the evening it occurred. 

By the posting bill herewith inclosed, your Lordship 
will be informed of the measures which we have adopted : 
and we beg leave to submit to your Lordship's considera- 
tion, the propriety of offering a pardon, on the conditions 
proposed. 

Up to the present time, we regret to state, that we have 
not any further information on the subject, than the de- 
scription given by Mr. Nadin, but every exertion will be 
made for the discovery of the offender. 

We have not hitherto addressed your Lordship on the 
political state of the town and neighbourhood, having been 
informed that Mr. Norris has regularly communicated 
the passing events. On this important subject we regret 
that it is not in our power to report favourably. The 
system of arming is continued to a great extent, and al- 
though it does not appear to be the intention of the reform- 
ers to hold a general meeting previous to the assembling 
of Parliament, from the best information we can obtain, 
we learn that arrangements are making for delegates, or 
agents, to attend and watch the proceedings of Parlia- 
ment; and in the event of measures being adopted, which 
they may consider inimical to their views, then a signal 
to be given for an immediate simultaneous rising, (u) 



(u) There is amongst men of all parties an almost unanimous disbelief of the 
fact, stated in the commencement of this letter. I shall, in a future part of this 
book, give my reasons at length, for not attaching credit to the story. The Borough- 
reeve and Constables say, that " in the event of measures being adopted, which they 
(the Reformers) may consider inimical to their views, then a signal to be given for 
an immediate general rising." The gentlemen by whom this letter is signed, are 
not to be confounded with those who were in office on the 16th of August. At this 



130 

In a few days we hope for further information, which 
we will immediately communicate to your Lordship, as 
well as the particulars of other information, which we 
have obtained periodically, during the present week ; and 
which, we trust, will be acceptable. 

We beg to assure your Lordship, that, during this 
eventful period, our utmost attention and exertion shall 
be devoted to preserve the peace of this town and neigh- 
bourhood ; to aid which, we rely on the cordial support 
of His Majesty's government. 

We have the honour to be, 
My Lord, 

Your Lordship's 
Most obedient humble Servants, 

THOMAS SHARP, Boroughreeve. 
JOHN ORFORD, 



RICHARD SMITH, 



j 



To the Right Honourable 
Lord Viscount Sidmouth, 
Secretary of State, &c. &c. 
Whitehall. 



Lancashire }The Examination of ****, taken upon oath, 
to wit, 3 De f° re Laurence Halstead, Esquire, one of 
His Majesty's Justices of the Peace in and 
for the County of Lancaster, the 15th No- 
vember, 1819. 
ON my arrival in Burnley this morning, I found Colo- 
nel Hargreaves on horseback, and all the military in rea- 



early period of their official proceedings, I would entreat them not to be hasty in 
forming conclusions, so much to the discredit of large bodies of their fellow country- 
men. Above all, I caution them against giving entire credence, to evidence, with 
which they may be furnished by their usual purveyors, unless confirmed by testimony 
of a much less equivocal character. 



131 

diness. The reformers were coming with their flags, caps 
of liberty, and bands of music. They had with them 
large staffs and sticks. I went to the Bull public house, 
and shortly after the Colonel came with one of the staffs 
in his hand, which he had taken from one of the reform- 
ers. It was the shaft of a pike. The man broke from him, 
and escaped in the crowd. The Colonel was desirous not 
to call the military out to action on this circumstance alone, 
for he said to me, that if the reformers were quiet, the Ma- 
gistrates would suffer them to meet, I saw the reformers 
pass by the Sun, orderly and quietly ; and I followed them 
to the place where the hustings were erected ; and then my 
friend and I found all those who had staffs and sticks with 
them, employed cleaning out the hole at the end, to admit 
the pike, for they were all of them shafts for pikes ; they 
cleaned out the gravel ; they had used the sticks and 
staffs to walk with, and they were full of dirt and gravel, 
which they picked out with the shaft end of the pike. 
They generally had the pikes in the sleeve of the coat, 
and some had them concealed in their breasts. I saw a 
great many pikes on the ground. They were not very 
cautious in concealing them; a many shewed them without 
fear. The pikemen were nearest to the hustings; and 
behind them there were a many who bad pistols ; I saw a 
great number of pistols on the field. I saw one person who 
was wounded by one of the pikes being accidentally thrust 
against his leg. Whilst writing this, a person came into 
the room, and said, that he had seen a man who was cut 
in the breast by his own pike. The shafts of the pikes 
were hooked with iron hoops, like that which the Colonel 
had taken. On the hustings there were about thirty per- 
sons, all of them strangers tome except Knight, who wore 
the red cap of liberty on the hustings, and was chairman, 
the sailor boy (or Walker) from Manchester, and George 
Dewhurst of Blackburn. They had eighteen flags and 
three caps of liberty : on one of the flags was wrote, Fitz- 



132 

wifliaTfi and the Yorkshire Reformers'; and on one of the 
caps, Liberty or Death ; which, in particular parts of 
the orators' speeches, was hoisted aloft on its pole, and 
then dropped again, and taken off. The speeches of the 
orators were such as are generally made at the meetings 
of the reformers, holding up the Ministers and Magis- 
trates, and officers of Justice, to contempt and ridicule. 

The number of reformers was very great ; I measured 
the circle they occupied round the hustings ; it was one 
hundred and fifty yards ; and I judge, that if all who 
were on the outside circle had been in it, they would have 
Ixvn as close as it is possible for men to stand. The most 
striking of their resolutions is, that which called upon 
them to oppose the measures of Parliament, if they would 
attempt to pass any Bills which should control their liberty 
of meeting; it called upon them to rise and oppose such 
things, and all those who were for them ; and the passing 
of such bills should be the signal for universal rising. 
This resolution made a particular impression on the 
minds of the reformers ; they all evinced a determination 
to oppose all such things. On the breaking up of the 
meeting, they separated into two bodies ; one came to 
Burnley, and the other a different way. They remained 
a long time in the road and fields adjoining where they se- 
parated, and then they began to discharge their pistols, 
swearing tley should like a dust with the soldiers before 
they parted. They fired scores of pistols in the road, 
whilst they were there. 1 left them before they separated, 
for I was afraid they would do something that would 
bring out the soldiers ; and all the way to Burnley, (for 
the meeting was about half a mile from the town) as I 
walked on, / heard hundreds of pistols discharged in all 
directions. It resembled Manchester and its neighbour- 
hood, on the night of the bth November,) or firing in all 
directions as they went away. Mr. Knight did not stop 
m the lane, but went on to Burnley with the other of his 



133 

friends ; and the firing did not commence (ill he had left 
them in the road. They appeared anxious for the sol- 
diers 10 come ; happily they did not : for if they had, 
the mischief would have been serious on both sides. On 
coming into Burnley again, I saw the military posted in 
various parts of the town, and Col. Hargreaves in attend- 
ance at the Bull public house. My friend and I, when 
we had seen the pikes and pistols round the hustings, we 
went in search of Colon 1 Hargreaves; we did not find 
him, but left a note for him, that if they wished to make 
a seizure of pikes and pistols they might take a great 
number, for all who had sticks or staffs, had pikes in the 
sleeve of the coat, or in the breast, for we had seen a 
great many, and they were all like that which the Colonel 
took, hooped at the hole end with a strong iron hoop. 
As soon as night came on, the town was thrown into 
alarm by the fire bell. I immediately heard the bugle 
sounding for the military. A cotton factory had got ac- 
cidentally on fire; but was soon put out, without doing 
much damage. Whilst I was on the field, I heard a 
great many say, that if the Colonel, that Devil, came, 
they would give him enough ; and intimating, at the 
same time, that they would put him to death. If he had 
brought up the soldiers, they could not have acted, from 
the particular situation of the ground. The field is a 

three-cornered one, with high hedges and walls near it. 

****** 

Sworn before me, one of His Majesty's Justices of the 

Peace, in and for the said county, 15th November, 18 19. 

Laurence Halstead. 



Pontefract) November 18, 1819. 
My Lord, 

I HAVE the honour to report to your Lordship, the 
result of such information as 1 have received in the seve- 



134 

ral journies I have made since I left town, and from cre- 
dible authority in other places. 

It appears certain, that simultaneous meetings had been 
agreed upon, to assemble on the 1st of this month, at 
Newcastle upon Tyne, at Carlisle, at Leeds, Halifax, 
Huddersfield, and Barnsly, in the West Riding of York- 
shire ; at Manchester, Bolton, Wigan, Blackburne, and 
Burnley, in Lancashire ; at Newcastle under Lyme, at 
Nottingham, at Leicester, and at Coventry. I have 
heard other places named, but not from such authority 
that I can name them in this report ; nor do I mention 
the meetings in London, in Scotland, and in places not 
in the counties composing the districts in which I hold 
the military command. 

As meetings had very lately been held in almost all 
the above named towns, those agreed upon for the 1st 
instant, must have had some particular object in view. 

Although a schism among the leaders has prevented 
these meetings, yet in Lancashire and some few towns 
where disaffection has long prevailed, no difference ap- 
pears, and the numbers of discontented remain undiminish- 
ed ; but in places where it is of less mature existence, a 
most desirable check, from various causes, has been ef- 
fected ; but it would be fatal to its annihilation in 
them, if there was yet any relaxation of our attention, and 
of means to suppress it entirely : a similar false security 
at times within the last three years, has brought disaffec- 
tion to its present height in Lancashire, the vigilance of 
the civil authorities in it having ceased upon every short 
period of quiet. 

A plan has been adopted, to circulate more generally 
seditious and blasphemous tracts, which is to send gratis 
such publications weekly, directed to the servants in large 
families, which I think worthy of mention, not merely 
to shew how indefatigable the authors and leaders of se- 
dition arc, in effecting their purpose, but that it may be 



135 

thought expedient to put the heads of families upon their 



guard. 



Six different attempts have come to my knowledge, to 
seduce the soldiers, but without the least effect ; some of 
them are under legal investigation. 

I have only further to add, that whatever disunion may 
prevail among the leaders of sedition and radical reform, 
they still unite in the endeavour (though I hope with 
less success) to excite irritation and discontent among 
their followers, and to intimidate the loyal and well af- 
fected. 

With a firm belief in the accuracy of the foregoing 
statement, I consider it my duty to make this report. 
I have the honour to be, with respect, 
Your Lordship's 
Very obedient humble servant, 

JOHN BYNG, 

M. General. 



13G 



IN the preceding notes, I have given (o the corres- 
pondents of his Majesty's Ministers, perhaps, even greater 
advantages than those to which they could fairly lay 
claim. I have assumed and taken for granted (with very 
minute exceptions) the respectability and veracity of the 
whole series of alphabetical deponents. And with all this 
in their favour, 1 will venture to assert, that never did, 
and never can, Ministers submit to the House of Com- 
mons, a case, of .which the portentous announcement so 
strongly contrasts with the flimsy reality. The difference 
between paper depositions and viva voce testimony, is 
well known by all who are conversant with Courts of Jus- 
tice ; but when, in addition to this fact, these paper de- 
positions are anonymous, they become, with respect to 
any purpose of liberal and enlightened legislation, as 
u baseless as the fabric of a vision." 

The pretence for suppressing the names of the various 
deponents {if any real names they have) will of course, 
as upon former occasions, be, a desire to avoid exposing 
them to popular vengeance ; but it may equally turn out, 
and it is much more probable, that in many instances, 
at least, the names of the parties are suppressed, lest 
their character should he known. What would be thought 
in a Court of Justice, if any individual were called upon 
to defend himself from the assault of unknown accusers, 
without any opportunity to impeach, to cross examine, 
or to meet by opposing evidence, the charges they might 
think proper to bring forward ? But if it should turn 
out, that this evidence has been purchased — that the 
means by which the accusers " live, aud move, and have 
their being," is the getting up of testimony against the 



137 

people, who are judged with partiality, and convicted 
without opportunity for defence ; are these documents, 
in the eyes of any rational and moderate man, enti- 
tled to a moment's attention or belief? And is it not a 
forfeiture of trust, and a dereliction of duty, if, upon 
grounds so narrow, so suspicious, and so untenable, the 
Grand Inquest of the Nation enacts Bills of Pains 
and Penalties against the People ? 

I have avoided encumbering the immediate notes I 
have made upon the various documents which have re- 
ference principally to this part of the country, by any 
lengthened observations upon the literary acquirements 
and taste of their authors, of which, however, we have 
many a marvellous specimen in the preceding text. In- 
deed, most of the communications from the Magistrates 
in this district (including Mr. Horton, of Halifax) are 
such, that we might have adopted the supposition of a 
public writer, that, the clerks being all out of the way, 
their worships had been obliged to write for themselves, 
were it not, that the specimens of the correspondence of 
one of them (Mr. Lloyd) with which we are favoured, 
go far towards verifying the old adage of " Like master, 
like man." The letter of Col. Fletcher, dated August 
10th ; that of the Rev. W. R. Hay, (a member of two 
learned professions, a minister both of the gospel and 
the law 3 ) dated August 16th; that of Mr. Norris, dated 
August 17th ; to which, though not exactly belonging to 
the same class, may be added, the epistle of Messrs. 
Moore and Andrew, dated Sept. 16th, as well as several 
others ; all make in proof of my assertion, that these per- 
sons are as much deficient in the simple attainment of 
English composition, as in a strict and vigilant regard 
to the constitutional rights of the great body of their 
fellow-subjects. If that fabric of well-regulated freedom, 
which has created and sustained our national greatness, 



138 



is to be levelled with the dust, let it be not by the slow 
and wearisome decay of time, but by a power commen- 
surate with its own. If, at the moment of his weakness 
and exhaustion, the British Lion is to be assaulted and 
abused, the blows which strike most heavily on his worn- 
out frame — which inflict the keenest pangs upon his noble 
nature, will be those which are struck by the meanest 
and most ignoble of the animals that assail him. 



A REPLY 



TO 



MR. FRANCIS PHILIPS'S 

Exposure of the Calumnies circulated by the 
" Enemies of Social Order, and reiterated by 
" their Abettors, against the Magistrates and 
" the Yeomanry Cavalry of Manchester and 
" Salfordr 



A REPLY, 

fyc. &>c. 



WHEN I first saw the advertisement of Mr. Phillips's 
pamphlet, I was, from the title, naturally led to suppose 
that it would contain an enumeration of the various calum- 
nies, to which, in his opinion, the magistrates and yeomanry 
have been subjected — that distinct charges would have 
been distinctly refuted ; that specific misrepresentations 
would have been pointed out; and finally, that facts, 
which had been hitherto carefully withheld from the 
knowledge of the public, would have been brought for- 
ward in their justification. 

A cursory perusal, on the evening of the day of its pub- 
lication, shewed me how futile were my expectations : 
I found no new facts stated — no new arguments adduced 
— no new justification attempted. On the contrary, we 
have the same sweeping presumptions — the same ground- 
less or exaggerated charges — the same incomplete evidence 
— and the same illegitimate conclusions, by which twenty- 
eight years of calumny against the friends of Reform 
have been invariably distinguished. So long as the great 
body of the labouring classes remained firm in their attach- 
ment to Church and King, or rather to Tory Politics, 
they were flattered, courted, and caressed. The wretches 
who, in 1791, maddened by intoxication to deeds of plun- 
der and destruction, spread terror, and alarm, and ruin 
amongst the friends of public liberty, at Birmingham, 
were addressed even by the nobles of the land, as " the 
friends of Church and King ! and they were admonished 



142 

to u desist from their destruction of anymore houses," 
not on account of the intrinsic enormity of their conduct, 
but because " the great losses thereby sustained," (then 
computed to be upwards of £100,000) would " fall even- 
tually upon the county at large, and not upon the persons 
to whom they belonged" The annual dinner of the Man- 
chester Constitutional Society, the same year, was preceded 
by the publication of a hand-bill, unparalleled for the 
atrocity of its suggestions, and stating that " if English- 
men had the spirit they used to have, they would, on the 
14th of July, pull the house where the members of the 
society assembled over their heads, and that the brains of 
every man who dined there, would be much improved by 
being mingled with brick and mortar;" whilst the actual 
riots which occurred here the next year, were not tacitly, 
but directly, encouraged and incited by persons of respect- 
able station, and palliated even in the House of Commons 
by Mr. Windham, on account of the political opinions of 
those against whose property, if not lives, they were di- 
rected. At a period, several years more recent, a meeting 
constitutionally assembled in this town,to petition for peace, 
was assaulted by a ferocious mob, headed by the Reverend 
Mr. Wilkinson, a Minister of the Church of England. 
Many other instances of similar proceedings might be 
adduced, but these are sufficient for my purpose. They 
furnished the Ministers of that day with no ground for 
enactments, restrictive of the liberty of the people. They 
gave rise to no animated expositions of apprehended dan- 
ger — they were not mistated in their origin — exaggerated 
in their extent — distorted in their progress— or misrepre- 
sented in their conclusion, for the purpose of giving 
a factitious importance to the designs, or a false impres- 
sion of the intentions, of their abandoned perpetrators. 
At these periods, the self-styled friends of (i social order," 
felt no alarm ; for, excesses founded in attachment to the 
" good old causey 1 '' were either extenuated with anxious 



143 

zeal, or, at most, only subjected to a mild and moderate 
censure. It is true, that the law did not sleep : some of 
the Birmingham rioters were brought to trial ; several, to 
the utter astonishment of the court, and in direct opposi- 
tion to the evidence, were acquitted : whilst a few were 
prosecuted to conviction, and four were ultimately exe- 
cuted. But none of the actors in the other above men- 
tioned disgraceful outrages, were, I believe, ever brought 
to justice. 

It would require a space greater than I can devote to 
this part of my subject, were I to attempt to trace even 
a rapid sketch of the gradual alteration of opinion and 
feeling in the minds of the labouring classes. Suffice to 
observe, (it is the Weavers to whom I am principally 
alluding,) that in proportion as the lengthened continu- 
ance of the war produced a two-fold diminution of their 
comforts, by reducing the rate of their wages, at the 
same time that the imposition of fresh taxes, and the 
advanced price of articles of food, necessarily increased 
their expenditure ; their political feelings, (rather than 
principles) underwent a rapid change; they began to 
doubt the wisdom of measures which brought to them 
only an accession of misery : it was no longer possible to 
get up from amongst them a Church and King Riot ; 
they began openly to express their dislike of the policy 
of the Ministry of the day, and they have ever since 
been taunted and vilified by charges of disaffection and 
disloyalty. 

In the spring of the year 1808, they attempted to obtain 
an act of parliament for the permanent regulation of their 
wages. Disappointed in this object, they met at the latter 
end of May in St. George's Fields. They assembled on 
successive days ; attempts were made to induce them to 
depart peaceably, and it was not until after those attempts 
had been found unsuccessful, and the people (supposed 
to amount to 10 or 15,000 men) had continued assembled 



144 

more than an hour after the reading of the riot act, that 
military force was called in to disperse them, which object 
was effected with little further injury than the loss of one 
life. Upon this occasion, some acts of violence and un- 
doubted illegality were committed by the Weavers ; such, 
for instance, as interfering to prevent work being taken out 
at a price less than they chose to fix. In the spring of 
1812, commercial distress was at its height. The orders 
in council of our own Government, with the prohibitory 
commercial decrees of the United States, and of France, 
together with the failure of some ill-judged speculations, 
had for the time almost annihilated the foreign commerce 
of the country. The manufacturer and merchant suffered 
dreadfully from the bankruptcies, with which the columns 
of the gazette teemed ; whilst the operatives were reduced 
to penury and distress, not merely by the reduction of 
wages, but by the difficulty of obtaining work. Add to this 
the introduction into our manufactories, about the same 
time, of some important improvements in machinery, 
which, by abridging the demand for human labour at a 
period when other circumstances had rendered the supply 
superabundant, materially increased the sufferings, and 
consequently the irritation, of the people. Thus, in Not- 
tinghamshire, popular fury was directed against the stock- 
ing frames; in the West Riding of Yorkshire, against the 
cropping machines; and in this county and Cheshire, 
against blowing machines and steam looms. 

One would have thought, that these natural, obvious, and 
sufficient, causes of the irritation and violence of our ma- 
nufacturing population at that period, might have been 
universally recognized as the true ones ; and that no mis- 
chievous or perverted ingenuity would have attempted to 
represent the unjustifiable excesses, resulting from severe 
suffering and ignorant prejudice, as the offspring of politi- 
cal disaffection. However great might be the guilt of 
the deluded actors at that melancholy period, (and it 



145 

extended even to assassination,) no one could be so hard y 
as to deny the existence and the severity of their suffer- 
ings ; yet, some there were, whose political and religious 
bigotry gladly made the infuriated proceedings of a mis- 
guided populace the pretext for endeavouring to throw 
obloquy and suspicion upon men of the most undoubted 
respectability and character. But, upon this part of my 
subject, I should be inexcusable if I did not avail myself 
of the assistance of those means of information, which are 
furnished by the statements of my estimable friend, Dr. 
Taylor, (late of Bolton.) Referring to the reports, which 
at one time had been most industriously circulated, that 
" those disturbances originated in political disaffection, 
or religious dissent," Dr. Taylor, (in his Letters on the 
subject of the Lancashire Riots, in the year 1812,) ob- 
serves, u An opinion so totally groundless can be viewed 
only as the offspring of an overheated and distempered 
imagination ; and the pertinacity with which it has been 
maintained, in despite of all evidence, might in some 
persons have been considered as a fit subject only for pity 
or for ridicule. But, when such mischievous fancies are 
obstinately indulged in by men, whose situations in life 
give us a right to expect, that they should form no opinion 
on such subjects without the most substantial grounds — 
when it is found that men, whose authority can command 
access to the condemned cells of a prison, chuse to abuse 
this melancholy privilege, by base attempts to strengthen 
these hateful prejudices, they then become matter of very 
serious alarm ; and when there was also reason to suspect 
that the fanciful reports of such men had been transmit- 
ted to Government with the intention of exciting an 
alarm, whereon to ground a suspension of the constitu- 
tional laws of the country ; it then became the bounden 
duty of every one who respected that constitution, or who 
regarded the welfare and happiness of his neighbour- 
hood, to do his utmost to remove from the minds of Go- 

u 



146 

vernment any false impressions thereby produced, and to 
oppose, as far as in him lay, the granting of new, and 
discretionary? and uncontrolled powers, to men who had 
so grossly abused the powers already entrusted to them." 
With the objects disclosed in the preceding extract, Dr. 
Taylor and some of his friends proceeded to London. 
They offered themselves to*be examined before the secret 
Committee of Parliament, which was appointed for the 
express purpose of examining u records and persons /" 
but their evidence was refused. It is not my intention to 
go through the whole of the very important statements 
made by Dr. Taylor. The limits of my plan would not 
admit of it, and it would be in some degree foreign from 
my design. Some further reference to them will, how- 
ever, be necessary hereafter, in order to enable the read- 
ers to form a correct opinion as to some circumstances 
noticed in Mr. Philips's Pamphlet. Though the period 
to which the preceding quotation from Dr. Taylor re- 
lates, is subsequent to the attack on the Manchester Ex- 
change, in April 1812, it is necessary that 1 should, at 
some length, call the attention of the reader to that event, 
both because it is the first in the series of the Riots of 
that year, selected by Mr. Philips for observation ; and, 
because, the circumstances of the case have, on several 
recent occasions, been assiduously and ingeniously misre- 
presented. In a note to page xxvi. Mr. Philips says, 
with reference to the "declaration and protest, had a 
public meeting been convened, it would have been at- 
tended by the Radicals, who would have out-numbered 
and overpowered the respectable inhabitants, and probably 
proceeded to demolish the Exchange, as zoas the case in 
1812." The natural conclusion of any person upon 
reading this sentence, would be, first, that the attack upon 
the Exchange in 1812, was the consequence of a public 
meeting ; and secondly, that the Exchange was demolished. 
The facts of the case, widely different from this represen- 



147 

tation, were as follows : — Shortly before that period, the 
restrictions imposed upon the Prince Regent at the com- 
mencement of his Regency expired, and his Royal High- 
ness having announced his determination to continue in 
office, the ministers who had been chosen by his father, 
a number of individuals belonging to that party in this 
town, which was distinguished by its attachment to the 
politics of those ministers, presented to the boroughreeve 
and constables a requisition to call a public meeting, for 
the purpose of conveying a complimentary address to the 
Prince Regent, on his assumption of full authority, and 
of thanking him for continuing in his service the minis- 
ters who were then in office. The 8th of April, 1812, 
was the day appointed for the meeting. There can be 
no doubt, that, when this measure was resolved upon, its 
friends thought themselves secure, if not of the support, 
at least ;of the neutrality, of the labouring classes ; and 
took it for granted, that having none to oppose them but 
persons of their own station, the game was entirely their 
own. But the time was one of general distress, and the 
hopes of a great portion of the kingdom had been anx- 
iously fixed upon the period, when the Prince, emancipa- 
ted from the trammels of unconstitutional restrictions, 
would adopt that system of policy, to which the friend- 
ships and the opinions of his previous life were thought 
likely to incline him. Those hopes were blasted, and 
the poor saw nothing but a determination to persevere in 
that course of conduct, which had resulted in the suffer- 
ings they were enduring. Nor were the respectable 
whigs of the town disposed to coincide in an address, such 
as they concluded it was intended to propose, for the 
adoption of the assembly ; and another address was pre- 
pared, which it was intended to move as an amendment. 
Several hand-bills were published, calling public attention 
to the approaching meeting, and calculated to ensure 
such an attendance, as that its decision should express the 



148 

unquestionable opinion of a majority of the inhabitants 
of Manchester. The ministerial party were exceedingly 
inveterate on account of the publication of these hand- 
bills. Shortly after the day on which the meeting was 
to have taken place, the late Mr. John Leigh Philips 
said to the gentleman by whom two or three of them 
(but not that which was called inflammatory) were writ- 
ten, "If we cannot convict you of libel, we can harass 
you by prosecutions" 

One of these hand-bills, published on the morning of 
the day when the meeting was to have been held, has 
been frequently represented as inflammatory; and, by 
those who wished to mislead the public, it has been 
stated as the cause of the attack which was afterwards 
made upon the Exchange. But, when the requisitionists 
found that they were likely to be in a minority — that 
they could no longer carry whatever public measures they 
might think proper to propose, they had not the magna- 
nimity to await that decision, for which they themselves 
had called. The pretext, that the staircase leading to 
the large room at the Exchange was too weak to sustain 
the pressure of the crowd, was stated by the committee 
of that establishment, as a reason for refusing to the 
town's officers the use of it ; and at the time fixed for 
the holding of the meeting, when some thousands of per- 
sons were assembled in St. Ann's Square, to proceed to 
it, hand-bills were distributed amongst them, by the bea- 
dles, announcing that the meeting would not take place. 
In the mean time, a large party, who had come with the 
view of attending it, not finding the dining Toom at the 
Exchange open, had gone into the news room. Alarmed 
by their appearance, the subscribers hastily withdrew ; 
many of them, however, afterwards returned, and at- 
tempted to persuade the populace to retire. This they 
refused to do, but remained in full possession of the 
room, for more than two hours, without proceeding to 



149 

any act of violence. In the mean time, attempts were 
made, by the leaders of the party which was waiting in 
St. Ann's Square, to find the town's officers, by whom the 
meeting had been summoned, in order to request them to 
hold it at some other place ; but none of those gentlemen 
were to be met with. After this, several individuals 
were successively recognized by the crowd, as amongst 
the number of those who had signed the requisition, and 
were invited to proceed with the meeting, and to take 
the chair, which they one and all refused : though a 
few days afterwards they mustered secretly, at the police 
office, and there voted, that address to the Prince, which 
they durst not submit to the judgment of a general meet- 
ing of their fellow townsmen, even though appointed at 
their own request. It is not surprising, that by such 
proceedings as these, the populace should have been ir- 
ritated ; they, as a part of the inhabitants of Manchester, 
were called together by the requisition — they came to the 
exercise of a constitutional right — they wished to have 
given expression to their opinions, with respect to that 
system of policy which they believed to be the cause of 
their distress: and their appearance produced — not a 
manly and rational conflict of independent opinion — 
not the relinquishment of an obnoxious proposition — not 
a fair and open trial of strength, between two opposing 
parties ; — but a pretended abandonment of the meeting, 
upon a futile and unsatisfactory pretext, whilst at that 
very time it was no doubt determined, that the object of 
the proposers of the meeting should be secretly carried 
into effect. 

But, however that may be, the naked fact, that the 
people felt themselves insulted and trifled with, by the 
conduct adopted towards them, is sufficient to account 
for the irritation which they felt, and to this irritation 
1 have no difficulty in asserting, that the attack upon 
the Exchange was to be attributed. I have already said, 



150 

that for a very long period after they were in possession 
of the Exchange, (so long indeed as any expectation re- 
mained, that a public meeting would take place,) the 
conduct of the populace was peaceable. It is more to 
be lamented than wondered at, that they should subse- 
quently proceed to riot. The windows and chairs of the 
Exchange building were broken, the maps torn from the 
walls, and set on fire in the middle of the room. But 
the fire was, by the spirited exertions of a few of the 
subscribers, extinguished, before it had done any mis- 
chief to the building itself. No circumstance has ever 
come to my knowledge, calculated to give the slightest 
character of premeditation to this injurious outrage ; and 
I am confident I do not err, in referring to the proceed- 
ings of the day, as the sum and substance of its origin. 
The tumultuary proceedings of the evening are fairly at- 
tributable to the same cause ; and I am wholly unable to 
conceive, how any impartial person can shew to be at 
all probable, the existence of any connection whatever, 
between the proceedings here on the 8th of April, which 
clearly originated in a distinct political transaction, and 
those attacks on the factories at Middleton and West 
Houghton, which were as clearly caused by an hostility 
to the use of steam looms. 

I have no reason to believe, that the atrocity of the 
Middleton riots can be palliated by any attempt to prove, 
that the tricks and machinations of hired spies had any 
share in producing them. They originated in severe 
distress, exasperated by a short-sighted prejudice against 
the introduction of newly-invented machinery, which the 
populace fancied was calculated to aggravate the suffer- 
ings they were enduring. The attack of the mob upon 
the factory, and their destruction of the house of one of 
its owners, were crimes of the greatest enormity : much, 
therefore, as the consequences were to be deplored, no 
doubts were entertained of the legality of the conduct 






151 

pursued. However humanity might grieve, at the death 
of those who were shot by the military, Justice was sa- 
tisfied. 

But at West Houghton, where a steam loom factory was 
set on fire, and burnt down, the case was widely dif- 
ferent. This outrage was debated (as appeared by evi- 
dence on the trials of the rioters) at a meeting which took 
place on Dean Moor, near Bolton, the 19th of April, 
1812, sixteen days before the scheme was put in practice. 
At this meeting (which was very speedily reduced to 
numerical insignificance, by the desertion of a conside- 
rable proportion of those who had at first attended it) 
there were present, during the greater part of its duration, 
and up to the time of its close, not more than about forty 
persons, of whom no less than ten or eleven were spies, re- 
puted to be employed by Col. Fletcher. On this occasion, 
these spies were armed, and disguised with blackened faces. 
And when some persons wished to retire from the meet- 
ing, on finding the wicked purpose upon which it was 
bent, they were prevented from so doing, by a rear 
guard, formed chiefly of the armed spies, and marched by 
force towards West Houghton, where a considerable 
detachment of military were in ambuscade, awaiting their 
approach. Upon this occasion, the spies were provided 
with white caps, to put on when they should come in 
contact with the military, in order that being recognized, 
they might not be hurt. 

But all the exertions of the spies were insufficient to 
enable them to carry their plan into effect. The unfor- 
tunate victims of their diabolical machinations could 
not, at that time, be induced to act ; one by one they 
slunk away from the meeting, till the spies were left 
alone. So that, when a detachment of the local militia, 
which was sent frOm Bolton, at midnight, to pick up 
stragglers, had succeeded in apprehending a considerable 
number of supposed Luddites, they were, upon exami- 



168 

nation, every man of them, proved to belong to the corps 
of black-faced spies, and consequently dismissed. 

The occurrence of circumstances like these, sixteen 
days before the burning of the factory took place, renders 
it not a matter of presumption, but of absolute certainty, 
that that alarming outrage might have been prevented, 
if to prevent it had been the inclination of either the 
spies or their employers. 

I am not aware, that the truth of the preceding state- 
ments, which I have abridged from Dr. Taylor's Letter, 
and which have now been before the public nearly seven 
years, has ever been at all questioned. But however that 
may be, I know that proof of them can be given upon 
oath, to such an extent as must be absolutely decisive 
of their veracity. At the special commission held at 
Lancaster, for the trial of the rioters of that period, eight 
persons were capitally convicted. At Chester, though 
fifteen were condemned to death, two only were ultimate- 
ly executed. But the conduct pursued at Lancaster 
formed a striking contrast with this dignified lenity. 
There, every person convicted, man, woman, and child, 
were consigned to the hands of the executioner. One 
of these VICTIMS was a boy so young and child- 
ish, THAT HE CALLED ON HIS MOTHER FOR HELP, AT 
THE TIME OF HIS EXECUTION, THINKING SHE HAD 
THE POWER TO SAVE HIM. 

Upon this transaction my mind has often dwelt, until 
my imagination has pictured the whole dreadful scene 
to my fancy. The dreadful apparatus of death — the 
scarcely human form and visage of the execu(ioner — the 
agonized and convulsed expression which glared in the 
countenance of the prisoners, as a hurried and fearful 
look askance at the surrounding objects, gave them a 
melancholy assurance that they stood on the verge of 
eternity ; — all these images have passed before my mind, 
until I have shrunk with horror from the dreadful ima- 



153 

gery. But there is still another object — a child — a 
victim young in years, yet younger in capacity — the 
executioner approaches him — he too must die — the fatal 
cord is bound around his neck — from gloomy and le- 
thargic apathy, the dreadful consciousness of his ap- 
proaching fate bursts upon his mind — he recollects the 
protector of his helpless childhood — the ties which first 
bound him to life are the last to be severed — he cries 
to his mother — that being who gave him existence, to 
save him — but — the fatal drop falls ! — death arrests the 
half- uttered sentence, which quivers in a stifled echo 
on the lip of expiring infancy ! 

That heart must indeed be callous — destitute of human 
feelings and affections, that can coolly look upon death 
as a fit punishment for the crimes of a boy ; but, where 
it was known, that those crimes were not the consequence 
of depravity of disposition or character ; — that, of tender 
years and weak capacity, " he had fallen in the practice 
of a hellish slave," we cannot but lament, that the seve- 
rity of justice was not at once relaxed, that the sugges- 
tions of mercy might be eagerly adopted*. 

Language cannot furnish a term, nor the mind of man 
conceive an idea, sufficiently expressive of my feelings, 
or I believe of those of the public, with respect to the in- 
famous agents, and the yet more infamous prompters, by 
whom this carnival of death was spread ; but though 
they have hitherto silenced the voice of conscience, and 
stifled every sentiment of remorse, the time will come, 
when their deeds shall rise in judgment against them; 
at that time, when the hand of death presses coldly and 



* One of the Birmingham rioters was Daniel Rose. He was brought to the 
bar on a charge of setting fire to the house of John Taylor, Esq. ; but being only 
sixteen years of age, the counsel for the prosecution hoped that he might yet be 
useful to society, and called no evidence against him. He was of course acquitted. 
But this leniency was exhibited by reformers. 



154 

heavily on their hearts, how dreadful will be their retro- 
spections ! 

I have dwelt at greater length upon the affairs of 1812, 
than the title of my work might seem to justify ; or per- 
haps, some persons may think, than circumstances call for; 
they are however not only of fearful importance in them- 
selves, but they mark the progress of that system, to the 
consummation of which the transactions of the 16th of 
August, are to be traced. 

Passing by the short and fleeting interval of comfort 
and good wages, which the Weavers enjoyed, when the 
disasters experienced by the French Armies opened the 
continental markets to the adventurous spirit of our mer- 
chants ; I come to that period of severe suffering and de- 
pression, which the political economists of the ruling 
party characterised, somewhat unintelligibly, as a " revul- 
sion, occasioned by the change from war to peace." In 
the calculations made by the labourers as to the benefits 
which peace was to bring them, and which included a full 
recompence for the privations they had endured whilst 
the war continued, no account was taken, no deduction 
made, of the effects of this formidable " revulsion.'' They 
had short-sightedly supposed, that peace would at once 
give them not merely an increase of wages and greater 
plenty, and regularity of employment, but also a relief 
from many taxes ; which they took it for granted would 
cease with the war, for the maintenance of which they 
were imposed. But the giving of a factitious value to 
the price of corn, to enable the landed interest to pay the 
impositions to which it was subjected, was a measure 
which has produced a deep and lasting irritation in the 
minds of the labouring classes, that was far from counter- 
balanced by the effect of the repeal of the malt tax, which 
which was meant as a concession to please them, when 
the House of Commons decreed the cessation of the tax 
upon property. 






155 

The distress of the labouring classes seemed rather to 
increase than diminish ; and in the summer of 1816 was 
held at Middleton the first popular meeting, I believe of 
that description, of which this district, and indeed many 
other parts of the kingdom, have since witnessed so many 
examples. Meetings were soon afterwards held in most 
of the neighbouring towns and villages. Several took 
place in Manchester ; but, as winter approached, they gra- 
dually became more insignificant in point of the numbers 
that composed them, or the impression they were calcu- 
lated to produce. It must not be forgotten, that the prin- 
cipal object of all those meetings, was to petition in favour 
of reform. To the importance of that measure, the labour- 
ing classes were now not only fully alive, but they attached 
to it an idea of immediate efficaciousness, in which its 
considerate advocates, however sanguine with regard to 
the ultimate benefits of the measure, did not coincide. 
At this period too, first came into general notice, that class 
of persons, who have since been so well known, under the 
description of itinerant orators ; most of them, probably, 
men of some natural talent and eloquence, but with few ex- 
ceptions (none in this immediate neighbourhood) persons 
averse to depending for their livelihood upon any regular 
or laborious employment. 

At length, on the 10th of March, 1817, was held, at 
St. Peter's Field, that meeting, which is yet familiarly 
known by the term of " the blanket meeting." To Mr. 
Mitchell, whose claims to the name of spy have lately 
been so largely discussed, belongs the credit of having 
invented this equivocal mode of petitioning ; but it is well 
known that there was a considerable difference of opinion, 
with respect to the propriety of it, amongst the most active 
of the reformers themselves. From the meeting, however, 
several hundreds of persons set out on their road to Lon- 
don. Some time after their departure, a considerable 
detachment of the king's dragoon guards rode rapidly up 



15H 

to the hustings, which they surrounded, taking those who 
were upon them (amongst whom were Baguley and Drum- 
mond) into custody. The meeting was then dispersed by 
the troops, with very little injury to the persons assem- 
bled*. Here, however, is to be found the precedent for 
that novel form of leading the riot act, (if in either case 
it were read at all) which was followed on the 16th of 
August. The act was certainly not read according to the 
mode prescribed by the statute, nor were the crowd allowed 
that time for dispersion, which the law gives them. 
When the field was cleared, a large body of soldiers and 
constables were despatched after those, who had pro- 
ceeded on the road towards London. They came up with 
them on Lancashire-hill near Stockport. Some hundreds 
were taken into custody, and one industrious cottager, 
resident on the spot, was shot dead by the pistol of a dra- 
goon, at whom a stone was said to have been thrown from 
the situation, where with others the poor man stood. In 
this case a verdict of " wilful murder" was returned by 
the coroner's jury, but I am not aware that any steps 
were ever taken to bring the delinquent to justice. Trifling 
as was the general amount of injury sustained on this oc- 
casion, I have the means of stating, positively, that this 
circumstance was owing, rather to the humanity and cool- 
ness of the military, than of the magistrates and munici- 
pal officers. Sir John Byng repeatedly found it neces- 
sary to check the violence and impetuosity of the civil 
authorities. 



* It is not the fashion amongst the high party in Manchester, to endeavour to 
reason with the people. The blanket scheme was so absurd and foolish, that I have 
little doubt, a few sensible observations upon the subject, by some of the authori- 
ties, would have induced the people to lay it wholly aside. Such a conciliatory mode 
of conduct was found effective, some time previous, when the Staffordshire colliers 
were going up to London, drawing several waggon loads of coals with them, to pre- 
sent to the Prince Regent. I cannot at once refer to the particulars, but my readers 
will doubtless remember, that the magistrates remonstrated with the poor fellows, 
purchased their coals, and induced them to return home. For my part, I like this 
plan better than exposing the poor to military execution. 



157 

But, as there did not appear the slightest ground for 
concluding that the persons arrested had been guilty of 
any definite offence against the laws, the conduct pur- 
sued with respect to this dispersion of the meeting, was 
by many persons severely blamed. And with a view, 
probably, of affording some justification for prior proceed- 
ings, a most notable plot was got up, the denouement of 
which was made public on the §8th of March. It was 
announced as " a most daring and traitorous conspiracy, 
the object of which was nothing less than open rebellion 
and insurrection." It was stated that, an intention ex- 
isted to set fire to the town of Manchester, and that u the 
night of the 30th of March" was fixed upon for the per- 
petration of this diabolical crime. Upon this accusation, 
about a dozen persons were, on the evening of the 27th of 
March, 1817, taken into custody at Ardwick, and in 
other parts of the town, amongst whom were two spies. 
One of these worthies assumed the name of Warren ; his 
real name being Haddington, and his place of abode, 
Bolton. The other was a man named Lomax, a barber, 
at Bank Top*. After the first burst of astonishment and 
alarm, which this intelligence caused, had subsided, peo- 
ple began to inquire a little into the probability of its 
being well founded, particularly as the SOth of March 



* It was denied in parliament, by ministers, that this man was a spy ; he however 
was known to be most intimately connected with Waddington, whose being- so was 
undisputed. At any rate, he was taken into custody on the 27th March, on the 
charge stated above ; but, as well as Waddington, almost instantly released. It 
was further admitted, that he had written to Lord Sidmouth on the 17th March, 
offering to become a spy. Michael Hall, another spy, who assumed the name of 
Dewhurst, was in the house at Ardwick when these parties were arrested, but it was 
arranged that he should escape. Since Waddington's exposure in the House of 
Commons, he has often been called " blackface " (spy.) On one occasion, he shot a 
young man who applied a term of that sort to him. He was held to bail on this-im- 
bailabh charge, by Colonel Fletcher or Major Watkins, and in the mean time it was 
managed, that the complainant should be indicted at the Salford sessions for riot ; 
Waddington being the principal witness against him. Being convicted, he of course 
had little chance of obtaining justice against Waddington, and indeed he had not 
money to purchase it. 



158 

had passed without the slightest discernable symptom of 
popular effervescence, Tn order, probably, to arrest the 
current of public incredulity, the Rev. W. R. Hay, sti- 
pendiary chairman of the Bench of Magistrates, in his 
charge to the Grand Jury at the Salford sessions, as re- 
ported in Wheeler's Manchester Chronicle, of the 26th 
April, stated, that when the trials of the parties accused 
came on, " purposes of the blackest enormity must be 
disclosed to the public," and that those " who professed 
to doubt their existence, would be finally constrained to 
admit the existence of the whole of them." But, not- 
withstanding this positive official assurance, all the per- 
sons arrested on the imputation of these atrocious designs 
were discharged, not only without trial, but without any 
indictment being ever preferred against them. It was 
probably from feeling how little likely the statement of 
this fact was to increase public faith in the truth of ma- 
gisterial accusations, that Mr. Philips has prudently sup- 
pressed all notice of, or even allusion to it. 

But it seems (Appendix No. 2) that "the line of 
conduct pursued (in 1817,) was entirely preventive." 
What! was it "preventive conduct" to drag men to 
prison on charges "of the blackest enormity," which 
Bave since been proved if they were not then known to be 
utterly groundless ? Was it " preventive conduct " to 
employ convicted felons, (and two at least of these vil- 
lains were employed) as spies, when it could not but be 
known how much more likely they were to create mis- 
chief, than merely to watch or correctly to report it ? I 
acknowledge the propriety of no conduct which is found- 
ed on a breach of justice or of law. I acknowledge the 
humanity of no conduct which scatters accusations as 
baseless as their substance is terrible, and seeks in a bill 
of indemnity, protection against the consequences of the 
offence. As Mr. Philips states, that "the Magistrates 
and other public functionaries received the thanks of 



159 

their fellow townsmen/' for their conduct in March 1817, 
I ask him, when or where any public mesting was ever 
held, which either gave its thanks to those parties or to 
which their friends durst propose a resolution to that ef- 
fect. Since the repeal of the habeas corpus suspension, 
act, and the other measures enacted at the same time, the 
people have been rapidly acquiring political information, 
and their observing, upon the occasion of those restric- 
tions, how little they could rely upon the House of Com- 
mons for protection of their liberties, together with the 
utter and unvaried disregard, if not contempt, with which 
their humblest petitions have been received by the House, 
has served to impress them with the strongest convictions ; 
how little the House of Commons can be said to repre- 
sent the people, how little it sympathises in their views 
and feelings, and how absolutely the welfare of the state 
requires that it should be thoroughly reformed. 

I shall not at present enter into any disquisition upon 
the subject of Parliamentary Reform ; nor shall I notice 
the various meetings held here, and in other places in the 
vicinity, for the furtherance of that important object. 
Whilst differences of opinion may fairly exist, as to the 
eligibility or desirableness of such meetings, or of the 
object in favour of which they were held, no man who 
has a character for veracity to preserve can deny, that 
they were invariably peaceable and orderly ; or assert, 
that out of them has sprung the slightest injury to the 
person or the property of any individual whatever. To 
pretend, therefore, to view the tendency of these meetings 
with serious apprehension and dread, was at least prema- 
ture ; and I believe I am not incorrect, in attributing the 
bitterness of opposition which they excited, to vexation 
that the poor could no longer be induced to act as pri- 
vates (my words are " marching in military array,'') in 
the political battalions of the Tories. The latter would, 
therefore, gladly have prohibited the poor from all 



160 

means of political information — to hold a public meeting 
was of course to invade their privileges, whilst a clamour 
for reform could arise from nothing but a general inten- 
tion to seize the property of the rich. That there are 
persons amongst the poor, and who are occasionally ac- 
tive in their political proceedings, whose views and 
wishes may extend to revolutionary tumult, it would be 
wrong and useless to deny ; but this affords no ground 
for suspicion or complaint against the great body of the 
poople ; it gives no right to impute to them improper 
views and objects. As well might a foreigner describe 
us as a nation of thieves, because, unfortunately, we 
have some thieves amongst us. It is so obvious, that in 
estimating the character, the wishes, and the intentions, 
of the people, we must look to the conduct of the great 
body, and not to that of individuals, that I am surprised 
how any person who expects or even wishes to be considered 
a man of fairness or good sense, can for a moment ad- 
duce the vulgar or criminal impertinence of single per- 
sons, in proof of the violent and unlawful designs of a 
whole class*. I certainly am not able to contradict the 
statement, that " sometimes the reformers used insolent 
and taunting observations, purposely to be heard by any 
respectable person they might meet or pass ;" but I can 
safely say, that this practice was by no means general, 
nor so much so as to excite much observation, unless a 
person were disposed to be captiously watching to ob- 
serve it. 



* The following anecdote will demonstrate to Mr. Philips, the propriety of this 
observation. On the morning of the 16th of August, but before the catastrophe of 
the meeting, one of his nearest relations said, in the company of a friend of mine, 
that he " hoped the mob would give the soldiers an opportunity of firing upon 
them." God forbid, however, that I should attribute such a wish to the whole 
class, to which Mr. Philips belongs, even though the affidavits at Buxton's house, 
the Star Inn meeting, and some part of the address to the Prince Regent, seem to 
afford too much ground for doing so. I recommend it to Mr. Philips, however, to 
endeavour to introduce a more humane feeling into his own family. 



161 

I have noticed, in ray "remarks on the parliamentary 
documents, the design attributed to the Radicals of mak- 
ing a general division of property among themselves. 
And Mr. Philips is not behind hand with Lord Sid- 
mouth's correspondents, in ringing in our ears this extra- 
vagant and silly calumny, He says (page 9,) " So 
confident of success had they become, that their inso- 
lence was insufferable ; a general division of property, 
and a termination of all taxation, were considered in- 
evitable ; silver was rapidly disappearing from circula- 
tion, and many instances occurred of rents being pur- 
posely withheld, under the expectation that a revolution 
would cancel all such obligations. The consternation 
that prevailed was indescribable." And again, (page 48) 
" There was not an estate nor a dwelling-place, in their 
line of march, that had not been parcelled out in their 
imaginations to themselves ; the division of property they 
considered certain ; and the principal part of them ex- 
pected the accomplishment of their wishes on that very 
day." The common rules of justice require evidence to 
support any charge, but the new system of ethics of 
which Mr. Francis Philips seems to be one of the pa- 
trons, disdains to be bound by the vulgar trammels of 
natural equity. In proportion as the proof of crime is 
deficient, are the accusations of it more loudly bellow- 
ed ; — in proportion as the people remain peaceable, are 
they charged with a disposition to be tumultuous. For, 
as these calumniators of the most useful and most nume- 
rous class of their countrymen, cannot convict by their 
proofs of guilt, they endeavour to confound by their enor- 
mity of accusation. They take the vulgar proverb as 
THEIR rule of conduct, 

" Lay it on thick — 
" And some will stick ;" 



162 

whilst their happy knack at generalization preserves 
them from the inconvenience of being individually called 
upon to prove the truth of the charges they bring for- 
ward. But does Mr. Philips really flatter himself, that 
there is any individual in the country, dolt or idiot 
enough to believe such an accusation, so supported ? I 
mean not to insinuate a doubt of Mr. Philips's personal 
veracity ; but does he really believe, that any evidence 
which he could furnish, would suffice in a court of jus- 
tice, to convict any individual of the offence of inculcat- 
ing such dangerous and treasonable notions ? If he can 
furnish such sufficient evidence against persons so of- 
fending, why has he not done it already ? If he cannot, 
the charges he has brought against the great body of the 
labouring classes, he may reconcile to his conscience as 
he can. 

If I were disposed to imitate him, I might take all his 
assertions in rotation, and meet them by a direct nega- 
tive ; but I shall content myself here with saying, that 
with considerable means of estimating the intelligence, 
and judging of the dispositions of the people, no one fact 
has ever come under my personal knowledge, which can 
give the slightest sanction to Mr, Philips's opinions or 
statements. And with respect to the consternation which 
he affirms to have existed, however individuals may 
have alarmed themselves, it certainly was not general, or 
even common. There was no open and public manifes- 
tation of it ; and " de non apparentibus et de non exist- 
entibus eadem est ratio. 9 ' 

Mr. Philips's assertion, (page <2) that " seasons of ad- 
versity are most congenial to the machinations of the dis- 
affected ; on such occasions only can they succeed in dis- 
tributing their noxious poison," is quite contradictory 
of his statement, (page 7,) that " a very great proportion 
of the labouring classes were never better off, except as 
to politics and religion, than at the present time." It is 



163 

not for me to attempt to reconcile his contradictions. 
With respect, however, to the situation of the weavers, 
who are the most numerous class of our population con- 
nected with the cotton trade, it is to be observed, that 
though, perhaps, their wages may now be somewhat 
higher than they have heretofore at times been, yet as 
those periods of depression, when wages were lower, 
have always been shorter in their duration than the pre- 
sent, the distress of the weavers, probably, never was so 
great as now. This will be rendered pretty evident when 
I state, that the result of an inquiry into the earnings 
of weavers, in all the different branches of our cotton 
manufacture, does not present a general average, taken 
for a long period, of 8s. per week. But supposing the 
wages of the weavers to be adequate to obtain for them 
a comfortable subsistence, does Mr. Philips think that 
therefore they would or ought to cease to be friends of 
reform ? Does he take no account of the general spread 
of political information amongst the labouring classes? 
Does he think they can be now taught to forget that they 
have political rights to claim, as well as political duties 
to fulfil ? Does he think they can be persuaded to leave 
politics to " their betters " to the " higher orders f that 
the experience of the last thirty years is to be lost upon 
them ? that they are to be utterly listless and unconcern- 
ed on subjects on which the sufferings or the comforts 
of their lives mainly depend ? that those whose favourite 
political measures have entailed upon the country that 
burthen, which it is scarcely within the limits of possibi- 
lity she shall much longer continue to sustain — that they 
are still to be held entitled to public confidence — still to 
guide public opinion, or to decide public measures ? If 
Mr. Philips be so heedless of the lessons of experience, 
so regardless of the signs of the times, I have only to 
pray, that the respectable, middle, and more affluent 



164 

classes, may not generally be partakers in his errors or 
miscalculations. 

The tone and temper of Mr. Philips's remarks, with 
respect to the manner and appearance of the people, on 
their way to and at the meeting, deserve a few observa- 
tions. He says, (page 21,) "One man particularly at- 
tracted my notice, from his audacious appearance ; hav- 
ing on his shoulder a club, as thick as the wrist, rough, 
newly cut, with the bark on, and many knots projecting. 
My eye being directed towards him } he shook his club at 
me in a menacing manner." Though I have no doubt, 
that Mr. Philips thinks his estimation of the character 
and views of the reformers is the correct one, 1 am 
equally certain, that the public will agree with me, that 
if he do err, it is not on the favourable or candid side ; 
in as much as there are few crimes which can be contem- 
plated or committed by a large body of persons, that he 
has not laid to their charge. I therefore cannot help 
thinking, either that there is a little unconscious colour- 
ing in the above description, or, what is more probable, 
that Mr. Philips had assaulted the fellow, by the expres- 
soon of his countenance, before the latter returned the 
compliment, by the shaking of his club ; particularly as 
Mr. Philips admits, that " when he mixed with the 
crowd," even near the Hustings, u no direct affront was 
offered him." 

Mr. Philips's account of the meeting itself is very 
short, and does not contain much, except in the way of 
inference or supposition, to which it is possible to object. 
The regularity of approach to St. Peter's, the marching 
in military array* (if it must be called so,) but which I 



* On the 18th of April, 1814, a tremendous column marched, in " military ar- 
ray," through the streets of this town. In addition to all the wickednesses of 
music, Hags, sticks, &c. exhihited by the reformers on the 16th of August, this 
body was guilty of the further sin of " Hearing cocAarftA." I have heard it whis- 



165 

could only recognize as the adoption of that plan of pro- 
ceeding to the place of meeting, which was the farthest 
removed from any thing having at all the appearance of 
tumult; the flags, the music, the sticks, are all, with 
some minor differences of detail, characteristics, the ex- 
hibition of which, at the meeting, is admitted by every 
one. 

With respect to the sticks : I saw a column pass down 
Mosley Street, (I do not know whether it was the same 
that Mr. Philips had seen at Ardwick, though, from the 
route by which it came upon the gronnd, that is not im- 
probable.) Of the persons who composed it, however, 
I calculated at the time, that about one in ten, certainly 
not two in ten, had sticks ; and I only saw one, which, 
from its appearance of freshness, seemed to have been 
provided specially for the occasion. I did not observe 
any which, according to the sagacious conclusion of Mr. 
Wheeler, were " shouldered as representative of mus- 
kets;" nor if 1 had, should I have considered it as of 
importance, any more than if they had been bestrode, " as 
representative of" horses. The friends of alarm, know- 
ing that "walking stick" is not a term which would 
excite much terror, endeavour to make the formidable 
weapons of the weavers appear more fearful, by calling 
them " clubs and bludgeons." They were, however, no- 
thing but common walking-sticks; and indeed I was 
much surprised to see so few even of them., for every one 
at all conversant with the habits of country-people here- 
abouts knows, that when they have far to walk, they 
seldom omit taking one with them. 

To my view, the whole manner and appearance of the 
people, and I saw most of the different bodies, shewed 



pered, that Mr. Francis Philips was amongst them. I do not know that I can 
prove this ; but if I should, it will not be much to his discredit, since it was a 
procession in honour of the peace. By the bye, however, that purpose is not more 
legal than a procession in favour of reform has hitherto been. 



166 

that they attached a degree of serious importance to the 
business, about which they were assembled. That their 
objects and intentions were peaceable, was proved to de- 
monstration, by their bringing with them to the meeting, 
so many women and children ; nor did 1 see an action, or 
hear a word, in the slightest degree obnoxious to the laws 
of the land. None, indeed, of the most bitter opponents 
of the meeting, none of the most anxious or the most 
acute defenders of the magistrates, have yet ventured to 
assert, that any the slightest act of violence had taken 
place before the charge of the cavalry. All that Mr. Hay 
could express at the time, was a conviction that the meet- 
ing "bore the appearance of insurrection." . All that 
Mr. Francis Philips yet alleges, is a conviction of its 
" revolutionary tendency" In this state of perfect peace 
and quietness the assembly still continued ; when the yeo- 
manry cavalry came very rapidly upon the ground. The 
speed of their progress was such, even at some distance 
from the field, that a woman was knocked down, her child 
fell from her arms and was killed;* an old man, considerably 
upwards of seventy years of age, was rode over, and both 
his arms were broken, as they turned the corner of the 
cottage wall. In describing the advance of the cavalry 
towards the hustings, Mr. Philips says, he " did not see 
a sword used." I am not aware that any person has ever 
asserted that he did. tie " solemnly believes, that had the 
crowd given way to them, (the yeomanry,) no cuts would 
have been given." I know of no law, which authorizes 



* Since this passage was written, an affidavit lias appeared in Mr. Joseph Aston's 
paper, to prove that this child was not sabred. Mr. Philips also says, " it was 
said, that the child was sabred." I invite either Mr. Aston or Mr. Plulips, to 
prove that this child was ever said to have been sabred, or to shew any probable 
ground for their assertion, that the real cause of its death was in any respect mis- 
represented. So far from it, the name of the yeoman, by whom its mother was rode 
down, is and long has been known; but as the circumstance was purely accidental* 
it has been carefully kept back. 



167 

a yeoman to sabre me, because I may not give way to him 
quite so soon as he wishes that I should. Besides, the den- 
sity of the crowd, and the suddenness and impetuosity of 
the irruption of the cavalry, rendered it impossible for the 
people to open a passage. There is an unconscious sim- 
plicity about the remainder of the sentence, which is 
quite amusing : " a great dust arose, when they (the 
yeomanry) quickened their speed, so that I could not 
distinguish all that parsed ; and certainly, I did not see 
one person struck with the sabre." Why not? Mr. 
Philips shall answer for himself. Because u I could not 
distinguish all that passed." The letting-off of this 
negative evidence, reminds me of the story of the Irish- 
man, who, when half a score persons swore, that they 
had seen him commit a certain theft, claimed to be ac- 
quitted upon his trial, because he could produce ten 
times as many who did not see him : like Mr. Philips, 
I did not see " one person struck with the sabre," 
though, it was not the " dust" which prevented it, but 
a more potent reason ; inasmuch as I had left the ground 
some minutes before the yeomanry came. The number of 
sabre wounds that I have since seen, is, however, ample 
proof that many were given. And several persons, whose 
credibility is to not be impeached, at least, by Mr. Philips's 
negative evidence, have distinctly sworn, either that they 
were wounded themselves, or saw wounds inflicted upon 
others, before the cavalry arrived at the hustings. There 
is no evidence, which deserves a serious refutation, to prove 
that any stones were thrown at the cavalry, before they 
reached the hustings ; though it is assumed by Mr. Phi- 
lips, as a point established, (page 58) that " no lives 
would have been lost, if opposition had not been made to 
the civil and military powers." What! did Mr. Ash- 
worth oppose them ? Did Mrs. Parkinson oppose them ? 
But I ask for proof, that such lC opposition" was made. 
Mr. Wheeler's story of the " long brats that contain 



168 

pockets," is too ridiculous to obtain credit ; like the par- 
liamentary tales of the two cart-loads of stones, and the 
thrice-read riot act. It bears falsehood upon the face of 
it; for the same money which would purchase " a brew- 
er's brat," would have sufficed to provide some more effi- 
cient weapons of offence, than a pocket full of stones. 
Besides, nothing could give an air of tolerable plausibility 
to such a preparation, since no reason for it would exist, 
except an opinion on the part of the people, that they 
should be attacked. Had they anticipated the proba- 
bility of that event, they would doubtless, either have 
come much better prepared for it, or kept at home ; 
believing however, as they did, that their meeting was 
legal, they could have no expectation of being disturbed. 
That any person should gravely assert, or, asserting, 
expect to obtain credit, that an unarmed multitude, 
amongst whom were many women and children, should at- 
tack a body of cavalry, armed with swords and pistols, is 
indeed to me astonishing. 

But by what right were the yeomanry brought upon the 
field ? I think I have, in my remarks upon the parliamen- 
tary documents, proved, that the meeting was legal. That 
it was peaceable, I presume, will not now be questioned . 

If therefore, the object were merely to arrest Mr. Hunt 
and his companions, why, but for the very determination 
to produce the consequences that ensued, were such in- 
struments employed, or such a period chosen ? Mr. Hunt 
might doubtless have been found with ease when the 
meeting was over, and none of his companions who were 
named in the warrant, were likely to abscond to avoid its 
being served upon them ; indeed it is morally impossible 
that they could in any way be aware of its existence. 
Nor is the execution of a warrant for misdemeanour (the 
warrant does not, I am assured, allege any distinct fact of 
illegality,) a matter of such importance as to justify the 
putting in danger the lives of such an immense multitude 



169 

of people. But, even if Mr. Hunt and his companions 
be guilty to the full extent to which crime is imputed 
to them, I cannot think that the consciences of the Magis- 
trates would have been less at ease, whilst I am sure that 
the feelings of the country would have been less outraged, 
if the yeomanry had not been ordered to assault the people ; 
and to arrest Mr. Hunt, without assaulting them, was un- 
der the then existing circumstances absolutely impossible. 
Again, if it were after mature deliberation thought neces- 
sary to arrest Mr. Hunt during the meeting, why was not 
the civil power in the first instance employed ? No at- 
tempt was made to execute the warrant by its agency, 
and it would have been thought time enough by any dis- 
creet, or humane, or constitutionally disposed persons to 
call in a military force, when the civil power had been 
found unable to do its duty, or had been obstructed in 
the performance of it. Taking, therefore, all the circum- 
stances together, I cannot but conclude, that it was ab 
initio intended to dissolve the meeting by force, and that 
the arrest of Mr. Hunt and his associates was merely the 
pretext by which the attack was to be justified. But, 
even though the meeting should hereafter be shewn to 
have been illegal, still it was illegally dispersed. That 
the Riot Act was not read I have proved (so far as a ne- 
gative can be proved) already ; and Mr. Philips admits 
he " did not hear it," but adds that he has " no doubt of 
its having been read, from the respectable testimony he 
has heard on that point ; but certainly, it was heard only 
very partially." If Mr. Philips meant, that the country 
should take his statement as evidence of this fact, he 
ought to have told us, on the authority of this " respect- 
able testimony, " not merely that the Riot Act was read, 
but how, where, when, and by whom? The mere asser- 
tion, without a full and satisfactory explanation of all these 
points, is worse than trifling, because it aims at deception ; 
and if the forms and intentions of the law had been com- 



1T0 

plied with, the opportunity of proving that such was the 
fact, must, I conceive, have been anxiously desired and 
eagerly embraced. The time has been, that evidence 
upon that point would have been most beneficial to the 
Magistrates ; but, though the police office has vomited 
forlli its dregs to bear testimony in their favour, the read- 
ing of the Riot Act yet remains unproved. 

It is not necessary for me to repeat the horrifying de- 
scription of the scenes that ensued after the prisoners were 
arrested. They can never be obliterated from the me- 
mories of those who were fated to witness them. But 
Mr. Philips justly observes, that u For any individual 
to give a correct account of all the circumstances of that 
eventful meeting, from his own actual knowledge, is im- 
possible. " As 1 only witnessed the dispersion of it from 
a distance, I shall therefore, content myself with stating 
its results ; simply adding, that I can never forget the 
deep expression of terror and surprise depicted in the 
countenances of the poor creatures as they ran by me ; 
apparently scarce knowing where they were, or whither 
they should fly for safety. There are now upon the 
books of the Committee for the relief of the sufferers, 579 
cases of injury, sustained on that day. Of these, 421 
have already been authenticated by the strictest per- 
sonal investigation, and the sufferers relieved. Amongst 
this latter number, there are 161 cases of sabre wounds. 
In every case in which the name of individuals has been 
put upon the list of the Committee, the injuries sustained 
were so severe, as for a greater or less period to render the 
parties unable to follow their emplo3 r ment. Amongst the 
wounded are 104 girls and women, and of these, a consi- 
derable proportion received sabre wounds, many of which 
were very serious. Of the parties who were wounded on 
that day, ten are known to have died, and as is believed 
in consequence of the injury they sustained. One man, 
who was severely wounded, has become insane, and one 
woman, who was also wounded, in a fit of insanity cut her 



171 

throat*. That the number actually wounded was much 
greater than that which the list of the Committee ex- 
hibits, there can be no doubt, because many persons have 
endeavoured, from an apprehension of personal conse- 
quences, to conceal the circumstance of their having been 
present at the meeting, Several instances have indeed 
come under the notice of the Committee, where the know- 
ledge of that fact, by employers, has caused to the poor 
sufferers the loss of their work. 

Such then are the immediate consequences — such is the 
direct result, of the glorious victory of the 16th of Au- 
gust, — a victory obtained over whom ? over our fellow- 
countrymen and neighbours ; the most industrious — the 
most numerous, and the most useful class of our popula- 
tion — that class to whom we owe all our strength in war, 
from whom we must derive all our prosperity in peace. 

Hitherto, my opinion of the conduct of the magistrates 
must be gathered from incidental observations, rather than 
from any direct or general statement. Of the yeomanry 
I have not yet spoken ; but as Mr. Philips's pamphlet 
professes to be an exposure of the calumnies circulated, 
&c. against the Magistrates and yeomanry cavalry of 
Manchester and Salford ; and as I have undertaken the 
task of answering that pamphlet, ray opinion must neces- 
sarily be given. That I write under circumstances of 
considerable restraint, will be sufficiently obvious. It is 
an ungracious task, at all times, publicly to blame those 
who are our neighbours and fellow-townsmen ; but at 
the present time to start a doubt of the humanity, of the 
prudence, of the impartiality, of the constitutional spirit, 
or of the sound judgment, of the magistrates, will almost 



•As soon as the investigation of the cases is completed, a full and accurate list of 
the sufferers, containing a statement of the wounds and injuries received by each, 
and the length of time they were severally disabled, will be published by the Com- 
mittee. This will enable the public to decide whether the atrocities of the 16th of 
August have been exaggerated or underrated. 



172 

be held to be seditious. However nauseous arid fulsome 
the adulation which may be offered as incense to their va- 
nity, it may yet be imprudent to reply to it ; and when the 
rage of political hostility has instigated human passions 
to a deep and stern vibration, the " small still voice of 
truth," prompting to manly and independent investiga- 
tion, is scarcely ever heard amid the storm. 

The comments which I have made upon the parliamen- 
tary documents, will exhibit my opinion of the conduct 
of some of the Magistrates in individual cases. With 
respect, specifically, to the transactions of the 16th of 
August, it is generally understood, and I am assured it is 
capable of proof, (though for that, I do not pledge my- 
self) that there was a considerable difference of opinion 
amongst the Magistrates themselves, as to the propriety of 
calling in the military unless some actual breach of the 
peace were committed. Certainly, my estimation of the 
character of some individuals amongst them has been 
very erroneous, if the deeds of that day received their 
unanimous approbation. But, however that fact may be, 
that there are amongst the Magistrates, individuals of the 
most violent political character— men, who most unwil- 
lingly concede to those who differ from them the liberty 
of manifesting their opinions, and who sometimes use lan- 
guage upon the bench more fit for the orgies of a Pitt- 
club — is beyond dispute*. That there are some, whose 
circumstances render it but too probable, that they look 
to the good things at the disposal of Ministers, as the re- 
ward of their devoted services, is also undeniable+. That 



* Rev. C. W. Ethelston, on the case of David Kay, (see Times of Sept. 27th,) 
" I believe you are a downright blackguard reformer. Some of you reformers ought 
to be hanged, and some of you are sure to be hanged— the rope is already round 
your necks ; the law has been a great deal too lenient with you : — (addressing the 
clerk,) I will have no bail for this ruffianly crew, unless they have some money." 

■f One of this class of worshipful persons, to whose name the epithet of "Miss" 
is frequently affixed, and who a few years ago gave an excellent specimen of the 



173 

there are some, the avowed founders and patrons of 
Orange Societies, the organizers and supporters of a sys- 
tem of espionage of extent far greater, and of conse- 
quences more tremendous, than in any other district in the 
kingdom, is also too true ; whilst that there are any dis- 
tinguished for the possession of clear and comprehensive 
judgments, of sound constitutional information, of liberal 
and enlightened opinions, of superior acquired know- 
ledge, or of great natural talents, I have yet to learn. 

But though there can be no doubt, that the Magis- 
trates sanctioned the proceedings of the 16th of August, 
I am inclined to believe, that it is not to them that we 
are to look, as the original instigators of the tragedy of 
that day. There is a committee appointed, I know not 
how, and consisting of I know not whom ; but which 
arrogates to itself the title of the " Committee to strength- 
en the Civil Power." Judging of this body from its 
conduct, I am led to believe, that it consists principally 
of the waning remnant, or the few apt successors, of those 
whose bigotry and prejudices caused the riots of 1791 
and 1792. That bigotry and those prejudices now, how- 
ever, operate differently, for they have no longer the 
populace on their side. But as the people are not now 
to be incited to violence against the friends of freedom, 
it is an effort worthy of the same actors, to stir up pre- 
judice, and suspicion, and distrust, against the people 
themselves. I do not mean to say, that these persons do 
not think they are " doing the state some service;" but I 
am sure we in this district were in a much more tranquil 
condition before they afflicted us by the incumbrance of 



correctness of his taste, by quoting Greek to a Manchester Pitt-Club, hit upon a 
notable expedient for putting down Mr. Hunt He proposed to take him into cus- 
tody, on his return from Lancaster, as a vagrant, on the ground that he had no 
visible means of subsistence ; to confine him seven days in the New Bailey, flog 
him, and pass him out of the parish. His colleagues, however, were not quite so 
far gone as to fall in with this plan. 



174 

their protection*. However honestly disposed they may 
he, their acts render it sufficiently evident, that they are 
men of the most violent party feelings ; that they do not 
possess that cool and discerning judgment which is re- 
quisite, by a scrupulous and diligent investigation of the 
nature of evidence, to enable them to elicit the truth ; — 
that they arc not nice as to the description of agents they 
employ, being predisposed to decide against the people; 
and finally, that they assume to themselves the most im- 
proper and unconstitutional power, actually placing the 
whole neighbourhood in a state of complete and hitherto 
unheard of surveillance^ . 

From this anomalous self-constituted committee, ma- 
ny of the affidavit-makers, on the 16th of August, were, 



* When Mr. Hunt returned from Lancaster, in the end of August or in Septem- 
ber last, his friends decreed him the honour of a public entry ; and great crowds 
went out to meet him. In his way into town, it was necessary that he should pass 
down New Bailey Street, and over the New Bailey Bridge. The hour for his arri- 
val being made known, a little before that period the scavengers' carts were sent 
down to block up the street, in order that the progress of the procession might be ob- 
structed. The day happened to be very wet, and the procession was therefore much 
behind its time ; the consequence of which was, that after the poor scavengers had 
got drenched with rain in waiting for it, they were sent home. Whether this judi- 
cious plan was adopted for the laudable purpose of preserving the peace, or (consi- 
dering the end to be answered,) the still more laudable one of creating a riot, it is 
for the public to decide. The credit of the happy thought belongs however I be- 
lieve to the " Committee to strengthen the civil power." 

•f The following document will sufficiently prove this assertion. 

« Publie Office, Aug. 18, 1819. 
44 At a numerous meeting of the ' Committee to strengthen the Civil Power,' 
44 Joseph Green, Esq. in the chair, 
44 It was unanimously resolved, 

44 That, in order to secure the most correct intelligence possible, 
the Committee recommend to the Boroughreeve and Constables, that the following 
gentlemen be requested to give them the earliest information of any extraordinary 
appearances in their respective neighbourhoods." 

Letter accompanying the above resolution : 

" To Mr 

" Sir, 

44 The present aspect of political affairs, rendering an arrange- 
ment for early and authentic information, a measure of the highest importance, I 
am directed by the 44 Committee in aid of the Civil Power," to transmit to you 



175 

1 believe, taken. Of its members, was the meeting which 
thanked the Magistrates and Yeomanry for their con- 
duct, in part composed. Being heartily desirous that 
tranquillity and confidence may be restored amongst us, 
I entreat, as a preliminary measure, that the members 
of the committee will rest from their labours*. 

With respect to the conduct of the Yeomanry, on the 
16th of August, I am decidedly of opinion, that consi- 
derable misapprehension has existed. That the greater 
part of the corps are actually incapable, of acting with 
deliberate cruelty, it gives me pleasure to state my be- 
lief; but it is at the same time necessary &o add, that by 
far the greater proportion of those cases, in which it is 
ascertained by what body of military wounds were inflicted, 
the yeomanry are the corps named. In order to account 
for this, it may be remarked, that they were first upon the 



a copy of a former resolution referring thereto, and to request the favour of your 
continued attention to the object of it. 

" I am, sir, 
" Manchester, " Your's very respectfully, 

" Nov. 19, 1819. " MATTHEW COWPER." 

No. 2. 
« Sir, 

" As it is considered by the ' Committee in aid of the Civil Power,' that 
the crisis is near at hand, when the Radicals probably may attempt some measures 
of violence, I am desired again to refer you to the resolution of the 18th of August 
last, and to request your attention to the objects contained in it, and particularly 
to make an immediate communication of any unusual appearances in your neighbour- 
hood. 

" I am, sir, 

" Yours very respectfully, 

« MATTHEW COWPER, Secretary." 
M Essex Street, Manchester, 

«22nd Nov. 1819. 
«To Mr " 

* Since the text was written, I have ascertained that amongst the members of 
this committee are several of those members of the yeomanry, who were most ac- 
tive on the 1 6th of August. The country will see the strong interest which these 
persons have to obtain evidence against the people, in order that it may operate in 
their own justification, and will therefore know how to estimate whatever statements 
can be supposed to emanate from them. 



176 

field — they alone went up to the hustings — they alone took 
the flags and caps of liberty — and they alone were known 
to, and consequently can be identified by, the people. It 
is also beyond question, that there are in the corps in- 
dividuals, whose political rancour approaches to abso- 
lute insanity ; who before the meeting threatened what 
they would do ; and who, reeking from the field, boasted 
of the feats they had achieved ; who have openly avow- 
ed that their intention was to assassinate Mr. Hunt, and 
expressed their regret at not having effected their pur- 
pose. My decided opinion, therefore, is, that a few in- 
dividuals inflicted all the wounds which have been attri- 
buted to the Yeomanry as a body. It is also true, not- 
withstanding the extraordinary gratuitous disclaimer of 
Col. Dalrymple, that in several instances both officers 
and privates of the hussars did interfere to stop the car- 
nage. At least, this fact has been vouched to me by so 
many persons, totally unconnected with, and unknown to, 
each other; and as having occurred at such different 
parts of the ground, that I cannot for a moment hesitate 
to say, I am fully assured of the fact. 

I have omitted to mention, that after the field was cleared 
(this fact I now introduce, because it has not been dwelt 
upon so much as it appears to me to deserve,) the yeo- 
manry mustered again near Mr. Buxton's house, waved 
their swords and cheered in token of triumph. That 
waving of swords I saw, those cheers I heard, and the 
sight and the sound smote heavy on my heart. For I 
could not have supposed, but that the dispersion of 
the assembled multitude would at least have been felt as 
a painful duty. 1 could not have supposed that the 
wounds and sufferings they had been the agents to inflict 
on their unarmed countrymen, would have been regarded 
by the Manchester yeomanry as a matter of exultation 
and rejoicing. 



177 

Some further observations yet remain to be made, res- 
pecting Mr. Philips's pamphlet. I am not the advocate 
of Mr. Hunt. There are many of his principles, in 
which I do not agree, there is much more of his conduct 
of which I do not approve. But it is impossible not to 
be disgusted at the wilful and perverse misrepresentation 
of his meaning, which is manifested in the interpretation 
given to that phrase in his address, " Put them down 
and keep them down." Mr. Philips first mentions this, 
page 6, of his pamphlet, and he repeats it, page 47 ; in both 
instances asserting or insinuating (hat the expressions were 
used in reference to the constables and yeomanry ; adding 
in a note, page 47, that he is told, on the authority of a 
very intimate friend, that " from the rancorous manner 
in which they were uttered, Mr. Hunt strongly reminded 
him of Kean, in King Richard." Now, notwithstanding 
all "the inundation of falsehoods, which filled many of 
the London prints," (page 49) but of which, Mr. Philips, 
I believe, has scarcely mentioned one ; the public will 
agree with me, that a gentleman who attended upon the 
hustings, without any connexion with Mr. Hunt, whose 
business it was to render a faithful report of the proceed- 
ings, whose means and capacity of doing so must be 
improved by constant practice on similar occasions, and 
who, from personal knowledge, I have the pleasure to say 
is well qualified to give a true and incapable of giving 
a false statement of what passed, is more to be depended 
upon, (to say the least) than any person who has given to 
Mr. Hunt's meaning the same direction as Mr. Philips's. 
In the report of the proceedings in the Times, that part 
of Mr. Hunt's address is given as follows. After having 
for some time vainly endeavoured to obtain silence, 
Mr. Hunt said, " Will you be so obliging as not to call 
silence, while the business of the day is proceeding, 
(silence was then obtained.) He hoped they would now 
exercise the all powerful right of the people, and if any 

2a 



178 

person would not be quiet, that they would put him down 
and keep him quiet." This was at the very commence- 
ment of his speech, from which it is evident that the yeo- 
manry were not then come upon the field, did not make 
their appearance for a considerable time afterwards, and 
consequently could not be alluded to by Mr. Hunt. 
This assertion is fully confirmed by the report of Mr. 
Hunt's speech, in Wheeler's Chronicle of August 21st. 
Indeed the plain and obvious meaning of his observation, 
which it requires strong prejudice to misconstrue, or great 
assurance to pervert, is, that if any persons should attempt 
to render the meeting illegal, or to interrupt its peace- 
ableness by attempting to raise a disturbance — that they 
should be put down and kept quiet ; a piece of advice 
about the propriety of which, I should think there can be 
little difference of opinion. With respect to his "ran- 
corous" manner, I believe no man can have the smallest 
chance of making himself heard by 50,000 or 60,000 
people, without a vehemence of manner, which those who 
are so disposed may easily persuade themselves is " ran- 
corous." 

Mr. Philips, after alluding to the depraved licentious- 
ness of the press, which statement, as it involves matter of 
opinion quite as much as fact, I shall not notice, proceeds 
page 9. " Schools had also been established for the 
avowed purpose of inculcating defiance of all govern- 
ment, and contempt of all religion." I have already stated, 
in my observations on the parliamentary papers, the utter 
groundlessness of assertions such as these, and I now 
merely return to the subject, for the purpose of expressing 
my surprise that, in a town where a school exists, respect- 
ing which this charge has been made — in a district con- 
taining several others which have been similarly spoken of, 
any person could be found who would subscribe his name 
to a statement not only without the slightest foundation, 
but for which there is not the slightest pretence. I of course 



179 

cannot be wrong in taking it for granted, that the schools 
here referred to are those founded by the reformers and 
called " Union Sunday Schools." And it is not merely 
upon empty assertion, but from an examination of all the 
books used in these schools, and of the course of instruction 
and religious exercises pursued there, which have been 
personally made by two of my particular friends, whose 
veracity is beyond the reach of suspicion, and whose 
judgment cannot be imposed upon, that 1 charge this 
statement to be a gross and absolute calumny. Let Mr. 
Philips personally examine the schools at Manchester, at 
Macclesfield, at Oldham, or at Stockport, and then let 
him, if he can do it, impeach the correctness of my asser- 
tions. The fact is, that these schools are in the hands of 
persons of strict religious character, and warm religious 
feeling, and that no political publications are ever read 
there*. 

I cannot conceive in what manner this charge can 
have been trumped up against the " Union Sunday 
Schools," unless it be that the " Union Societies " have, 
for the purpose of feeding political enmities, been 
wilfully confounded with them. But the latter are asso- 
ciations of grown-up persons, not of children ; they are 
professedly and exclusively political ; and as it is un- 
questionably equally untrue, to assert of them, as of the 
schools, that they " inculcate a defiance of all govern- 
ment and contempt of all religion," I have yet to learn, 
that they are less respectable or less legal, than Pitt 
Clubs or Orange Societies. 

With respect to the sharpening of the Yeomanry sa- 
bres, about which so many observations have been made, 



* The only exception, (and indeed it can hardly be called one,) to their state- 
ment, of which I am aware, is at Stockport, where some of the writing copies con- 
tain short abstract sentences of general political application ; and some few, having 
reference to the transactions of the 16th of August, must have been wholly attri- 
butable thereto. 



180 

Mr. Philips says, (page 17,) " On the 7th July, govern- 
ment issued orders to the Cheshire and Manchester Yeo- 
manry Cavalry, through the Lords Lieutenant of those 
counties, to hold themselves in readiness, and consequent- 
ly most of the Manchester Cavalry sent their arms to the 
same cutler which the corps had em-ployed during the last 
war y to put them in condition ; this was a month before 
the Manchester meeting of reformers had been adver- 
tized. " Now, the corps could not have employed this 
cutler during the last war, because it was not then in 
existence ; and with respect to the purpose for which the 
swords were sharpened, that will be rendered sufficiently 
plain, by a reference to the letter of the five Manchester 
magistrates to Lord Sidmouth, which is the first in the 
series of parliamentary documents, and wherein they 
state, under date of the 1st of July, that " a meeting is 
expected to be held here on Monday week," that is, the 
12th of July ; so that these facts confirm the conclusion, 
that it was specially with a view to the then next ensuing 
meeting of reformers, whenever it might be held, that the 
swords were sharpened. And that this measure should 
have been so long in progress, and indeed required by a 
printed circular, gives it a character of deliberation and 
forethought, which, had it been adopted merely on the 
spur of the moment, would have been wholly wanting. I 
know, however, that some of the Yeomanry swords were 
not taken away from the cutler's until the 14th of Au- 
gust. 

I have really been surprised at Mr. Philips's frequent 
and flat contradictions of his own assertions. One in- 
stance 1 have before given; again he says, (page 19,) of 
an extract from one of Mr. Hunt's speeches, that it is an 
admission that " the people, or (not to strain the point) 
a considerable proportion of them, might, if they chose, 
have been armed at the meeting ; but he, Mr. Hunt, was 
too politic a general ; he well knew that the Magistrates 



181 

had taken every precaution to prevent surprise and de- 
vastation, and that, in addition to the regulars and the 
Manchester Yeomanry, the whole of the Cheshire legion 
were to be in attendance." Now this passage I take to be 
an admission on the part of Mr. Philips, that the people 
were not armed, and indeed it is madness to suppose that, 
knowing of all the immense military preparations made — 
the infantry, the cavalry, and the artillery, in attendance, 
— that they would come armed to the meeting, because 
they could not have a moment's expectation of making a 
successful resistance, if they should be attacked, and 
would have no object in being armed, if they did not ex- 
pect to be molested. But in direct opposition to this, 
Mr. Philips says, in speaking of the Blanket Meeting, 
(page 6,) that then the people had a no public leader," 
who had distributed his orders as to their resistance ; and 
(page 47) that " his (Mr. Hunt's) body guard had lock- 
ed their arms together, in one compact impenetrable pha- 
lanx, and he had given his orders, (alluding to the con- 
stables and yeomanry,) to put them down, and keep them 
down." That is, that he, who " was too politic a gene- 
ral" to advise the people to come armed to the meeting, 
because u he knew, that in addition to the regulars and 
Manchester Yeomanry, the whole of the Cheshire legion 
were to be in attendance," yet u distributed his orders, as 
to the resistance of the people;" which said resistance 
was to be accomplished by their taking hold of each 
other's arms, and thus opposing to the onset of this tre- 
mendous military force, " an impenetrable phalanx /" 

It may be observed in addition here, that the extreme 
density of the crowd, by preventing the people from 
stooping down to pick up, or from using their arms to 
throw stones witli any degree of force, even supposing 
that they had them concealed on their persons, proves, 
incontrovertibly, that resistance could not have been 
made by the people, until they had been illegally assault- 



182 

ed — until the compactness of the crowd had been lessened 
by their partial dispersion, and not until they, conse- 
quently, had a legal right to use all the resistance in their 
power. From the formidable list of officers, privates, 
and horses, both in the regulars and yeomanry, who are 
said to have been struck by sticks and stones, on this oc- 
casion, I believe it would not be possible to select three 
individuals, who sustained any personal injury. The 
two horses wounded by sharp instruments, were, I am 
assured by persons who saw them, cut by the sabres, 
either of their riders or others of the military, ofcou.se 
unintentionally. 

At the conclusion of Mr. Wheeler's account of the 
meeting of the 16th, which Mr. Philips has introduced, 
the latter says, in speaking of it, (page 39,) u All the 
material points appear to me to be given with fidelity ; 
nor have I reason to distrust any of the minutiae." This 
is a most extraordinary assertion, after Mr. Philips has, 
in at least half a dozen places, pointed out, in notes upon 
Mr. Wheeler's Narrative, the errors, inaccuracies, or 
mis-statements it contains. I have no intention of enter- 
ing at any length into the account of this meeting, as 
given in the Manchester Observer. I shall just, however, 
notice one circumstance, which I consider decisive of the 
question, as to the attempts which are alleged to have 
been made, to exaggerate the results of the affair. 

Mr. Philips says, (page 49,) " It was necessary for the 
Observer to keep in some degree within bounds, in his 
first account of the killed and wounded ; had he swelled 
out the number, as he has since done, the falsehood would 
have been too palpable. It would have injured the sale 
of his paper; his customers had been disappointed and 
humbled ; the game was as nearly up as possible." It 
has been often remarked, that the early reports of an 
affair, made whilst the blood is warmed, and the pas- 
sions arc excited, generally exceeds those which cool 



183 

investigation proves to be correct. But it is a remark- 
able proof, not only how desirous ttye reformers were to 
avoid any charge of exaggeration, but how disposed they 
were to give the military credit for greater forbearance 
than that to which they are entitled to lay claim, that, in 
none of their narratives of the dispersion of the meeting, 
were the wounded calculated at so much as one half the 
number to which they really amounted. The Observer 
and the Manchester Gazette both stated them at two hun- 
dred, whilst the list of the Committee renders it certain, 
that there were very nearly, probably there were more 
than, six hundred. 

Mr. Philips says, (page 50) " It appears almost mira- 
culous, that soldiers could be employed, and do so little 
injury." The soldiers employed on the Blanket meeting 
day, although the number of persons assembled was at 
least half as great, at the field did none. At any rate, no 
lives were lost there ; nor is it clear, although the affirma- 
tive was mentioned as a report, in Cowdroy's Gazette, of 
the 15th March, 1817, that any persons were wounded. 
Mr. Philips's miracle, therefore, like most others now-a- 
days, only wanted examination to be disproved. That 
the military could have done more mischief, will not, 
however, be questioned. Instead of using their sabres, 
they might have fired their pistols. But it is to be re- 
membered, that this was a first, or (taking the Blanket 
Meeting as a precedent,) only a second experiment, and it 
was not prudent, either for Magistrates or military, to 
proceed too far, lest they might unfortunately find, to 
their cost, that they had calculated too securely upon the 
favour and complaisance of the law. I have no doubt, 
however, that if the records of the various courts of law, 
(I would rather have ^id justice,) — of the Grand Jury — 
of the Manchester Magistrates — of the Coroner — of the 
Warrington Magistrates — of the King's Bench— and of 
the House of Commons, had exhibited any previous in- 



134 

stance of such an extraordinary, though of course, for- 
tuitous concurrence of decisions favourable to the Magis- 
trates and Yeomanry, the carnage of the 16th of August 
would have been much more dreadful and extensive, 
than that which the whole kingdom has even now joined 
in reprobating. 

Mr. Philips, alluding to the loss of lives on the 16th of 
August, asks, (page 51,) "Where is the Briton, a 
magistrate, a constable, a soldier, or a citizen, that does 
not sincerely lament each of these calamities ?" I pre- 
sume Mr. Philips means this interrogation to be taken ab- 
stractedly, for I do not suppose that the person, who on 
quitting the field, (page 24,) " went up to an officer of 
the Manchester Yeomanry, whom he knew, and thanked 
him from his heart for the admirable conduct of his 
corps;" and who afterwards in " writing to distant friends 
an account of the proceedings of the day, expressed in 
each letter the most unqualified approbation of the sound 
judgment displayed by the Magistrates, and the excellent 
conduct of the Manchester Yeomanry" — I say, I cannot 
suppose that such a person, so expressing himself, could 
feel any absolute regret at those fatal results which he 
considered almost " miraculously few, and which, there- 
fore, were the unavoidable consequence of the " sound 
judgment" of one party, and the "excellent conduct" of 
another, to neither of whom had he any " idea that blame 
could possibly attach . " 

Mr. Philips says, (page 26,) " A cause must be a bad 
one, that requires the slightest reservation ; one that 
would stand in need of such a subterfuge, if I know my- 
self, I should be the last to defend." For the sincerity 
with which Mr. Philips makes this statement, 1 give him 
full credit ; but I yet am unable to reconcile it with the 
interrogation, (page 51,) "Is the wilful and premedi- 
tated murder of Campbell, ihc constable, under circum- 
stances of barbarous atrocity, to be regarded as nothing r" 



185 

It is difficult to conceive, unless it be that all Mr. Phi- 
lips's information in this case is derived from the Man- 
chester Chronicle, that he could be ignorant that, hours 
before Campbell was attacked, he had been firing a pistol 
loaded with ball, into the street. As I have noticed this 
case at length, in my comments on the parliamentary pa- 
pers, it is not necessary to repeat the particulars here. 
I am as much disposed to lament the death of Campbell 
as Mr. Philips can be ; but be it remembered, that it 
happened subsequent to the attack made upon the people 
on the 1 6th of August, and that the declarations of the 
mob, who assailed him, pointed to some supposed vio- 
lence of which he had been guilty on that day. 

It is perfectly ludicrous to see Mr. Philips assert, (note, 
page 53,) that " the Radicals studiously conceal, or make 
light of, every death or wound occasioned by the regu- 
lars." I am not aware, that the death of any person 
wounded on the 16th, has been more spoken of, than that 
of Joseph Whitworth, of Hyde ; with the exception of 
that of John Lees, which excited more attention on ac- 
count of the inquest. But when he speaks of the " total 
dereliction of feeling in those who have been so clamorous 
about the lives which were lost on the 16th of August," 
he had better have established the truth of his assertion, 
on the authority of some few of his " innumerable proofs/' 
than have excused himself from it on the stale plea, that 
it would be "a waste of time." 

Mr. Philips says, in reference to the Lancaster and 
Chester Grand Juries, (page 54,) that "the lists of their 
distinguished names, given in the Appendix, No. 19, 
will, to every intelligent or liberal mind, convey the as- 
surance, that the liberty of the subject could not have 
been intrusted to safer hands." The question is not about 
the liberty of the subject, but the impartial and due dis- 
charge of their own definite functions; viz. to decide 
rightly, whether by the ex-parle evidence of the prose- 

2b 



186 

cutor, such a prima facie case is made out, as that the 
accused person shall be called upon to answer the charge. 
Now, knowing as I do, the positive evidence which was 
submitted to the Grand Jury, having myself seen and 
heard the testimony of several persons who were examin- 
ed before them, my opinion as to their conduct certainly 
will not be changed by any reference to " their distin- 
guished names." 

Mr. Philips describes as fully, and decides as directly 
and unhesitatingly, upon Meagher's case, as though he 
had been present, and seen the whole affray. I cannot, 
however, give him credit for entire accuracy. The evi- 
dence being positive, as to the wounding of the two 
poor men, by Meagher, it was unquestionably the impe- 
rative duty of the Magistrates to have committed him 
for trial. It certainly was not proved, that he ever was 
assaulted, though it was sworn that one or two of his men 
were. That occurrence, however, took place hours before 
the firing. He also fired three times, instead of twice, 
as Mr. Philips intimates. And let it be remembered, that 
though his landlord swore to the fact of stones being 
thrown before Meagher fired, he would not swear that 
any windows were broken before that time. And with 
respect to the breaking of the lamp, the evidence was po- 
sitive that that was done by Meagher himself. Where the 
whole proceedings on the part of the defendant in court, 
were contrary to law (and that they were so ; I believe no 
lawyer of character in the kingdom will deny.) it is use- 
less to start particular objections. But it was impossible 
to be present during the examination, without seeing that 
the whole police of the town was enlisted on the side of 
the prisoner*. And several of the prosecutor's witnesses 



* It is worthy of remark, that Mr. Norris, the stipendiary Magistrate, pur- 
posely absented himself from the Bench, during Meagher's examination. On one 
occasion, I saw him come into court, whisper to the presiding Magistrate, and then 
withdraw. Mr. Norris being a lawyer by profession, probably might have pre- 
vi'nted the irregularities complained of, if he had not deserted his post. 



187 

were threatened by some of the police runners, in order 
to prevent their coming forwards. As a precedent, (if 
it would ever be permitted to form one,) this case is most 
seriously injurious*. It completely abrogates and su- 
persedes the functions of a jury ; and though the wound- 
ed men may still indict, the prisoner would go into 
court, not upon the intrinsic merits of the case, but with 
the fact, that the Magistrate, after hearing evidence on 
both sides, had dismissed the charge completely in his 
favour. 

I object too (if after stating the fundamental and abso- 
lute impropriety of the conduct pursued, it be worth 
while to mention a minor circumstance,) to the personal 
competency of the individual by whom this decision was 
made, as I cannot but think that a gentleman who had to 
be taught at an expense of some hundreds of pounds, 
that a potatoe was a vegetable, is not very well qualified 
duly to appreciate the force and bearing of evidencet, and 
consequently not fit to act in propria persona as a jury. 



* An attempt has been made, to quote this case as a precedent already. In the 
Dublin Evening Post, of Nov. 23rd, 1819, will be found, the examination of a person 
named Smith, on a charge of stealing money from a collection-box, at a charity 
sermon. From the report, it appears that the accused was a warden of the church? 
where the transaction occurred ; and upon the examination his counsel wished to 
produce proofs of his insanity. This being resisted by the counsel who appeared 
for the prosecution, Mr. Perrin, the prisoner's counsel, quoted the case of Meagher, 
to prove his right to give evidence in defence upon the examination before a Magistrate. 
— Counsellor Greene, for the plaintiff, then said, " If the case be as has been stated, 
I declare, for my part, that the proceedings are, in my opinion, illegal, and against 
the law and constitution ; that the Magistrates have usurped the power of a petit 
jury — a power that not even a grand jury have any controul over," &c 

Counsellor Cole, (the presiding Magistrate) " perfectly agreed with Mr. Greene, 
that no testimony given by witnesses on behalf of the prisoner , should be brought 
forward, so as to carry any weight with the Magistrate.'''' 

•f On the 1 6th of October, I was in court at the New Bailey, during part of 
Meagher's examination. It was of course to be expected, from the circumstances of 
the case, and from the hour at which the outrage occurred, that the witnesses would 
be of the working classes. They were so. Several had been alread} T examined, 
and another, a female, had just entered the witnesses box, when the magistrate for a 
short time left the bench. A lusty man in black, who had the appearance of a gen- 



188 

Whatever degree of guilt may attach to the Radicals, 
(page 55) for presuming to disbelieve that Nadin was shot 
at, I confess myself to be equally implicated. I cannot 
think that any person intending to hurt him, would have 
aimed at his head ; or that, the pistol being fired so close 
to him, as that the flash from it (note, page 53) should 
" burn the fur on his hat," he could have escaped being 
wounded. I very much question whether there are in 
the town more than about fifty persons, including Mr. 
F. Philips and sundry old women, who are not sharers in 
the blame of my obstinate incredulity upon this subject. 

I have, except when I have been immediately replying 
to some observations of Mr. Philips's, confined my notice 
of the conduct of the magistrates and municipal authori- 
ties, to what took place previous to the I Oth of August. 
Into subsequent matters I have not yet entered. But in 
order to afford a proof how very distant their conduct is 
from that of cool, cautious, and unprejudiced, persons, 
I shall remind my readers that on the J 7th of August, 
which was Tuesday, and consequently the principal mar- 
ket day in Manchester for cotton goods, &c. ; one of the 
constables came upon the exchange about eleven o'clock, 
and in the utmost agitation ordered that the room should 
be closed, and declared the town and neighbourhood in a 
state of open rebellion. 



tleman, was standing near me, when looking towards the witness lie addressed a 
genteel looking person at my right hand ; " See, see, there's another of them : 

what a parcel of d d raggamuffin scamps these witnesses are. If he had shot 

a whole troop of them, he would have done no harm, by God." This observation, 
which made my blood boil, was asscntinglt/ received by the person to whom it was 
addressed. Had the magistrate been upon the bench, I should have spoke to him, 
and stated the language I had heard uttered ; but before he returned, the person had 
left (he court. During the woman's examination, she made an assertion which 
seemed not to please the gentleman to whom the brutal speech I have quoted was 

made. Upon which he cried out, " eh ! what a d n n lie !" I afterwards 

discovered that this was the very respectable witness, Mr. Davis, as Mr. Wright 
called him, who swore that when he heard the stones thrown at Meagher's windows 
• on his hives at prayer in a bae,{ /oo?«," which looked quite the opposite 
\\.\y from Meagher's M. 



189 

The following liand-bill was also partially posted, but 
soon afterward it was rapidly pulled from the walls. 

f* Manchester, August 17th, 1819. 
" Half-past 11 o'Clock, A.M. 

u The Boroughreeves and Constables of Manchester and 
Salford do hereby caution all the inhabitants to close their 
houses, shops, and warehouses, and to keep themselves 
and all persons under their eontroul within doors, other- 
wise their lives will be in danger. Carts and all other 
carriages must be instantly moved from the streets, and 
other public roads." 

In the report of the approach of pikemen, which 
caused this intimation, and which completely put a stop 
to business for that day, besides creating very consider- 
able alarm, and subjecting persons of true constitutional 
feeling to the unpleasant sensations arising from the pa- 
rading of military about the town, and from seeing artil- 
lery planted at the bottom of one of our most frequented 
streets, — there was not one syllable of truth*. There are 
persons who have conjectured thai conscience had some- 
thing to do with the apprehensions exhibited upon the 
occasion, inasmuch as that certain parties could not dis- 
guise from themselves what they deserved to suffer that 
day, for what they had done the day before. 

The opinion of the country has been so strongly ex- 
pressed with respect to the treatment experienced by Mr. 
Hunt and his fellow prisoners on their examination, con- 
trasted with the indulgencies which extended towards 
Meagher, that it is useless for me to enlarge upon that 
subject. Nor shall I do more than just notice the petty 



* A ludicrous incident occurred on the evening of the 23rd August, about seven 
o'clock ; when a quantity of gunpowder accidentally exploded in a gunsmith's shop 
in Market-street. There was a considerable shock from the concussion of air, and 
rather a loud report. Instantly the cry was raised that the Radicals were coming, 
and some wiseacres ran for Mr. Norris the magistrate to read the Riot Act, whilst 
others sent for the soldiers. Such are the operations of those whose conduct betrays 
a ridiculous compound of folly and fear. 



190. 

spite of sending Mr. Hunt off to Lancaster immediately 
after his examination was closed, when it has been pro- 
mised that bail should be taken any time that evening, 
and notice of bail had been accordingly given. 

The proceedings at the Lancaster assizes, and the extra- 
ordinary determination of the grand jury to take into their 
consideration the bills against Mr. Hunt and his compa- 
nions, before those preferred by Mr. Hunt's friends against 
certain of the yeomanry and of the police officers, al- 
though the latter were presented to them before the for- 
mer, are circumstances sufficiently familiar, and perfectly 
intelligible to the public. 

When, by the ignoring of the bills presented at Lan- 
caster, and by the refusal of the Manchester Magistrates 
to grant warrants against members of the yeomanry res- 
pecting whom charges were laid before them, it was ren- 
dered almost doubtful, whether any means would offer, by 
which the whole question respecting the peaceable de- 
meanour of the meeting of the 16th of August — its lega- 
lity, and the unlawfulness of the manner in which it was 
dispersed, — might be brought before the country upon 
oath, the death of John Lees took place at Oldham. The 
summoning of the Jury was in the usual form, though 
perhaps, from its having been done in the first instance 
by the coroner's clerk, it might have been considered ir- 
regular in that respect, had not the jury been sworn by 
the coroner personally before the examination of the wit- 
nesses commenced. At the outset of the business, the 
coroner made great professions of independence, the emp- 
tiness of which was, however, very soon demonstrated. 
Indeed, from Mr. Joseph Dowling's short-hand notes of 
the proceedings at the inquest, the country will be very 
well able to decide, whether his conduct had any resem- 
blance whatever to the upright and rigid impartiality of 
a judge. 

Mr. Philips's promise to u restrain his investigation," 



191 

with respect to the proceedings at Oldham, (page 49) is 
not perfectly in keeping with the next line but one, 
where he says, u never was there such a mockery of evi- 
dence — never was a solemn court profaned by such 
abuse." This was pretty well, whilst the inquest was 
still pending ; but now that it is wholly nullified, it might 
not be amiss if Mr. Philips would enlighten the public by 
shewing the grounds upon which he has made these as- 
sertions, unless, indeed, they are to be taken as " Vox et 
preterea nihil" — phrases, put in to construct a good sono- 
rous sentence. Mr. Philips surely cannot deny that, in 
order to determine the quality of the act by which Lees 
met his death, it was necessary to ascertain the character 
of the meeting, to prove that, it was legally and peace- 
ably assembled, and therefore wholly under the protec- 
tion of the law. This being taken to be established by 
proof, it then follows, that the meeting was violently and 
illegally assaulted ; and Lees being, by medical testi- 
mony, stated to have met his death, in consequence of 
wounds which he was proved to have received, in the 
course of this attack upon the meeting ; and it being im- 
possible to ascertain by what individual the wounds were 
inflicted ; it follows, according to law, (though probably 
not according to Mr. Philips,) that inquiry must be taken 
respecting all the persons engaged and co-operating in 
that illegal procedure, in consequence of which Lees met 
his death. For, if a number of persons in concert do an 
unlawful act, in the course of which one of them inflicts 
a wound which causes the death of an individual, they 
are by law all equally guilty of the crime of murder. 
Upon this point it may not be improper to give the au- 
thorities : 

Plowden's Commentaries, vol. I, page 97-8 ; u All the 
other justices, (that is, except Bromley,) after advising 
thereof for two days, held clearly, that they might pro- 
ceed with the prisoner at the bar, without any inconve- 



192 

nience arising from it. For they said, that when many 
come to do an act, and only one does it, and the others 
are present abetting him, or ready to aid him in the fact, 
they are principals to all intents, as much as he that does 
the fact: for the presence of the others is a terror to him 

that is assaulted, so that he dare not defend himself. - 

And then, in as much as both together, viz. the wounds> 
and the presence of others, who gave no wounds at all, 
are adjudged the cause of his death, it follows, that all 
of them, viz. those that strike, and the rest that are pre- 
sent, are in equal degree, and each partakes of the deeds 
of the other. And notwithstanding there is but one 
wound given by one only, yet it shall be adjudged by 
law the wound of every one; that is, it shall be looked 
upon as given by him, who gave it by himself, and given 
by the rest by him as their minister and instrument. And 
it is as much the deed of the others, as if they had all joint- 
ly holden with their hands the club or other instrument with 
which the wound was given, and as if they had altogether 
struck the person that was killed." 

1 Hale, 437-8 ; " If several are indicted, A as giving 
the mortal blow, and the others as present, aiding, &c. 
evidence that one of the others gave the blow, and that 
A only was present, &c. will maintain the indictment." 

1 East. P. C. 350 ; " So also if the evidence be, that 
J S, not named in the indictment, or even that a person 
unknown gave the blow, and that A, B, and C, named 
therein, were present, aiding and abetting." 

But amid all the strange ebullitions of party feeling, 
amid all the rancorous invectives of political opposition, 
I did yet expect to have seen such a degree of public 
decency maintained, as would have prevented an inquiry 
so solemn and so important, in every point of view, as 
that which came before the Coroner's J ury at Oldham, 
from being spoken of as a " farce." What, is the death 
of any individual, under any circumstances, a " farce f" 



193 

When that death is obviously by violence, is the cause 
not to be inquired into ? And still more, when that vio- 
lence has been accompanied by circumstances without 
parallel in the modern annals of British history, circum- 
stances into which this whole nation has promptly and 
unitedly called for investigation, are those who endeavour 
personally to obtain it, to be assailed by obloquy and re- 
proach ? Mr. Philips says, " we have not a shadow of 
just complaint against any of the Magistrates, the con- 
stables, and military." We say we have, and state the 
grounds of our assertion. Mr. Philips says, they are 
" slanderous falsehoods, circulated by the vilest of the 
vile." Here there is assertion against assertion, and 
where statements so directly oppose each other, how, in 
God's name, are we to get at the truth, except by evi- 
dence in a court of justice, given upon oath? If Mr. 
Philips's clients be so confident of their innocence, they 
ought to be most anxious for inquiry ; their friends, in- 
deed, say they are so ; but I heard little of this anxiety 
whilst the Oldham inquest continued. I can only con- 
clude, that it is now loudly expressed, because it is 
known to be unattainable. 

Where indeed are the sufferers of the 16th of August, 
now to look for redress ? What avenue of public jus- 
tice now remains open to them ? By what course are they 
to bring the tale of their sufferings — to exhibit the nature 
of their wounds, before a jury of their country ? Had an 
u audacious''' radical trod on Mr. Philips's toe ? there would 
have been no difficulty in bringing him to punishment ; 
but, into a scene of military execution, in consequence of 
which ten persons at least have lost their lives, and nearly 
six hundred have been wounded, even inquiry cannot be 
obtained. 

Perhaps, however, I may here have gone too far. Most 
happy indeed shall I be to find it so. For I am thorough- 
ly convinced, that the existing dissatisfaction can never 

2c 



194 

be wholly removed, until the poor have regained that 
perfect confidence in the impartiality of the law — that 
feeling of individual security derived from its protecting 
influence, of which recent events have unquestionably 
deprived them. That this confidence should have been 
destroyed, deplorable as is the fact, cannot excite sur- 
prise. All to whom the proceedings of our local, and 
indeed of our higher courts, for the last four months, have 
been familiar, must have been painfully impressed with 
the conviction, that though the law is no respecter of per- 
sons, those to whom the administration of it is committed, 
are not always equally unbiassed. In presuming however 
that this conviction would be painful to all, I know that I 
have erred. There are persons in influential stations 
amongst us, who in my presence have spoken of the poor as 
" thieves," and of those who have laboured to assist them 
in obtaining justice, as u scoundrels." But to such I do not 
write. They are where I wish them to remain — in the 
ranks of my political opponents. I write to those only 
who are anxious that the impartiality of the law, like the 
chastity of Caesar's wife, should not even be suspected. 
I do not ask — 1 have never wished, to exempt the conduct 
of the reformers from the scrutiny and supervision of the 
law ; but whilst I would make that law the punisher of 
their crimes, I would make it also the protector of their 
lights, and the avenger of the wrongs they suffer. If 
indeed, there be any class whose failings should be mer- 
cifully visited, and whose rights should be scrupulously 
upheld, that class is the poor : they are exposed to pecu- 
liar temptations, and they are most likely to err through 
ignorance on one hand, whilst on the other they are least 
able to protect themselves. 

In the constitution of civil society, our duties are co- 
existent with our rights. When we resign part of that 
liberty to which in a state of nature we are entitled, it is 
tor the purpose of being more effectually secured in the 



105 

enjoyment of the portion which we retain. We give up 
the right of retaliating the injuries we receive, only upon 
the condition that the law will avenge them for us. And 
if this be not done, if we sufFer and the law afford us 
no redress, the implied contract by which society sub- 
sists is directly infringed, if not wholly abrogated. It 
is to the deductions from this reasoning, just though it 
be, that I look with the greatest apprehension, as connected 
with the dispersion of the Manchester meeting. The 
radicals have long been accused, God knows with how 
little truth, of a disposition to assassination. But what is 
so likely to create this disposition — what so likely to stimu- 
late them to personal revenge, as the feeling that they are 
not protected by the law ? If the law not only will not pun- 
ish those who injure them, but will not inquire into their 
complaints against those by whom they consider them- 
selves to have been injured, should we have any right to 
be surprised at their taking the infliction of punishment 
upon themselves ? Is not the fact that they have not done 
this, a conclusive reply to all the slanders against them? 
And is it not infinitely more desirable that punishment, 
wherever it be deserved, should follow the cool and tem- 
perate investigation, and the just and impartial decision 
of the law, than that it should be inflicted upon the mere 
determination, and according to the private estimate, of 
those who fancy themselves injured? This last sentence 
applies absolutely to the conduct of the Magistrates and 
yeomanry on the 16th August, whilst fortunately its 
reference to the people is hitherto only hypothetical. If 
any of the people, on the 16th August, committed any 
crime — if there were any cause for complaint against them, 
it would have been right to take them into custody for 
the purpose of bringing them to trial ; but it was not right 
upon a mere private and capricious interpretation of cir- 
cumstances and their tendency, — without trial — without 
legal proof of guilt, to subject the whole mass to the dan- 



196 



gcr of military execution. Why do men ever assassinate, 
but because they dare not kill openly ? And if because 
they dare do it, they do kill by open violence, in what 
respect is the act less criminal than private assassination ? 

I was surprised almost beyond expression to find it 
asserted by Mr. Philips (page 59,) that this town " is now 
in a state of comparative tranquillity," and the credit of 
this tranquillity given to the measures of the 16th August. 

Where, I ask, are these proofs of tranquillity to be 
found ? Is it in the daily increasing number of barracks 
by which every district of the town is infested ? Is it in 
the daily increasing number of troops quartered among us ? 
Is it in the nightly perambulation of an armed watch and 
ward ? Is it in the nightly piquets of foot and patroles of 
horse, almost as numerous as the streets they traverse. Is it 
in the fosses and bastions that now for the first time are seen 
amongst us ? Is it in the subjecting of an extensive dis- 
trict to complete surveillance ? Is it in the nocturnal 
deliberations of an uncontrolled committee ? Or, lastly, is 
it in the announcement of anticipated rebellion ? 

Though the peace of this district has not been, and I 
am confident will not be, broken by the radicals, I cannot 
well conceive a more unfortunate assertion than that we 
are in a state of " comparative tranquillity," except it be 
that that tranquillity is owing to the measures of the 16th 
of August. He must be a bold man who would venture 
to assert that, at any period before the 16th of August, was 
there such a general excitation, such a real or pretended 
alarm, and such precautions against supposed danger, as 
we have seen for the last few weeks. For my part, I am 
no alarmist. I perfectly coincide in the opinion of the 
venerable Earl Filzwilliam, that we need not and ought 
not to distrust the people ; but yet I admit that I cannot 
contemplate without some uneasiness the conduct which 
the measures of the 16th of August were so obviously 
calculated to produce; I may say, in some respects, have 
produced. Until after that, period we had no authentic 



197 

statements that the people were procuring arms ; and, al- 
though I am of opinion that the accounts we have recently 
had of their arming, have been very much exaggerated, 
there is probably no reason to doubt that they have to a 
considerable extent provided themselves with arms as the 
means of defence. Hitherto, every man has undoubtedly 
had the right to carry arms, and that which is perfectly 
legal for every separate individual, cannot be contrary to 
law in an assembly. It is only when the purpose (not 
surmised or constructive, but proved) for which arms are 
carried, is against the law, that the carrying of them is 
constitutionally an offence ; and, though every friend of 
rational liberty, and of humanity, must lament that 
any circumstance should have occurred whereby the prac- 
tice of arming has been rendered of more frequent oc- 
currence, it is only right that the blame should fall where 
it is justly due, upon those who violently and illegally 
assaulted a peaceable meeting, which supposed itself 
under the protection of the law ; and not upon those who, 
injured and denied redress, have found it necessary to 
furnish themselves with the means of protection and self- 
defence. 

That the poor have at former times been guilty, when 
suffering under severe privations, of conduct which no 
rational or honest man can attempt to justify, is certainly 
undeniable. But it is equally true, that notwithstanding 
the distress amongst the working classes has been quite as 
severe at periods since 181 2, as it was at that time, no later 
demonstrations of hostility to the use of improved machi- 
nery have taken place amongst us. The rapid spread of 
political knowledge, and of the elements of political eco- 
nomy amongst the labouring classes, has taught them 
better than to impute their sufferings to the corn dealers 
when bread is dear, or to their employer when wages are 
low. I therefore cannot but think, in direct opposition to 
the opinion expressed by Mr. Philips in the commence- 



198 



ment of his dedication, that the actual disturbances of 
1812 were far more dangerous than the imputed tendency 
to disturbance in 1817 and 1819. When the mind of 
the workman is inflamed, and his passions are excited 
against his employer, the bad spirit of revenge may be 
easily satiated. Neither the property nor the life of the 
latter may be secure, if the former be wicked enough to 
attack them. The frequent contact, the constant prox- 
imity, in which the two parties exist, necessarily afford 
opportunities of mischief to those who are on the watch 
to discover them ; and though death may be the punish- 
ment of the offender's crime, the penalty is no recom- 
pence for the injury he has inflicted. Unfortunately, in 
the year 1812, cases of this sort did exist. They were, 
however, very much exaggerated, and their circum- 
stances much misrepresented ; but though extreme dis- 
tress might afford some palliation for the conduct of the 
manufacturing population, it is beyond denial, that a 
very dangerous spirit was prevalent in several of the 
manufacturing districts. 

I have already shewn, in one particular case, how the 
people were inflamed and incited by the agency of spies, 
and I have little doubt, that in other instances those mis- 
creants were very active ; although, from the want of 
that investigation, which would have detected their pro- 
ceedings, the circumstances have not been brought be- 
fore the public. I am, however, of opinion, that even 
in 1812, great benefit would have resulted from the dis- 
play of a conciliatory disposition. If an appeal had 
been made to the good sense of the people, if the advan- 
tage of machinery in sustaining our commercial pre-emi- 
nence, if the causes of the high price of food, and the 
utter inability of farmers or provision-dealers to reduce 
its value, had been clearly and forcibly explained to 
them, in a style suited to their comprehension, and with a 
sympathy suited to their sufferings, I cannot but think 



199 



that the period of disturbance might at least have been 
shortened, and some individuals have been saved from 
the last and greatest penalty of the law. 

In the year 1817, the change which had been operated 
in the minds of the people was strikingly manifested by 
their conduct. Notwithstanding all that was said about 
the disturbances in this district, I have repeatedly and in 
vain challenged any person to prove, that the slightest 
disturbances existed. Not a hair of any man's head was 
touched, not an atom of any man's property injured by 
the people. The spies were amongst the poor, spreading 
devilish snares to entrap them ; they circulated the falsest 
statements, to encourage and stimulate to the adoption 
of their infernal schemes. Every means were tried, every 
attempt made, to induce individuals to commit them- 
selves ; from the casual and whispered invitation to join 
in crime, to the threats of punishment and death, in case 
of refusal. But the people were proof against all, and 
notwithstanding many arrests were made, some under the 
Habeas Corpus Suspension Act, and some on definite 
charges, not one individual prisoner, from this neigh- 
bourhood, was brought to trial for any political of- 
fence. 

I should have thought, that the knowledge of this fact, 
and known it is, would have materially lessened the cre- 
dit to be attached to political accusations, coming from 
this neighbourhood. I should have thought, that no in- 
dividual could be found base enough to hint at the ex- 
istence of guilt, in a case where the accusers, prejudiced 
and embittered as they were known to be, durst not bring 
their prisoners even to trial. I should have thought, 
none could be found so wickedly diligent, as to rake to- 
gether the fragments of exploded slander, to dig up its 
festering relics from the grave of their detected false- 
hood, in order to vilify the character and destroy the 
liberties of an industrious, a moral, and an intelligent 



200 

population. But the fact is otherwise. The Report of 
the Committee of the House of Lords, in 1817 — that re- 
port which the very conduct of those, from whose mate- 
rials it was constructed, proved to be utterly unworthy 
of credit, has been again brought before us, to give an 
extrinsic and adventitious support to that " pyramid of 
calumny," by which the people are now sought to be 
overwhelmed. And where has this been done ? By whom 
have these foul fabrications again been stirred into mis- 
chievous activity ? In the House of Commons, and by 
Mr. Wilberforce and Mr. Peel. The scene and the ac- 
tors are perfectly appropriate. The House of Commons 
adopts, with voracious eagerness, every extravagant and 
silly libel against the people, and refuses the inquiry that 
would prove these aspersions false. It turns a deaf ear to 
their complaints; and again refuses the inquiry that 
would shew them to be well founded. In both cases the 
people suffer. 

Before 1 conclude, I shall just notice the great injus- 
tice which has been done to the religious character of 
our population. To hear certain worshipful, and ho- 
nourable, and noble persons, talk upon this subject, one 
would suppose all the churches and chapels to be deserted, 
and all the people to have become infidels. But such 
notions as these only prove, how ignorant of the state of 
the country are those who undertake to legislate for it. 
Within the last three or four years, in Manchester and 
Salford, and the vicinity so immediate as to form a part 
of those towns, additional accommodations at various 
places of worship, have been provided, or are now fit- 
ting up, for not less than 12,000 persons. This, I con- 
ceive, with those who think Church and Chapel going 
indicative of religion, will be a sufficient refutation of the 
charges of an irreligious disposition, that have been so 
lavishly heaped upon the people. 

The peculiar circumstances which have brought the 



•201 



people and the local authorities so much into hostile con- 
tact here, are matters of difficult inquiry. I cannot 
pretend to do more than glance at what appear to me to 
have been the most operative amongst them. The exist- 
ence of any political knowledge, or fixed political prin- 
ciples, amongst the poor in this neighbourhood, is of 
very recent date ; and the lessons they have learnt are 
derived from the sufferings they have endured. When 
they were wondering that their situation did not improve 
with the return of peace, and anxipus to discover the 
cause of their disappointment, Mr. Cobbett's masterly es- 
says, upon the financial situation of the country, and 
the effects of taxation, in reducing the comforts of the 
labourer, first came before them. The cheapness of these 
publications ensured them a most extensive circulation ; 
and the strong, clear, condensed, and argumentative 
style of the writer, was happily adapted to suit the ca- 
pacity of the most numerous class of his readers. The 
influence of the more general diffusion of education, too, 
must not be overlooked. For the last twenty-five years, 
the proportion of those amongst the labouring classes, 
who have received the advantage of a good common 
course of English instruction, at the Sunday Schools, has 
been daily increasing. They have been continually amal- 
gamating with that order of society to which they be- 
long, and in the character of it they have now produced 
a general and radical change. The poor, when suffering 
and dissatisfied, no longer make a riot, but hold a meet- 
ing — instead of attacking their neighbours, they arraign 
the ministry ; and, instead of asking for a minimum of 
wages, they demand a parliament in which their own le- 
gitimate influence shall be strong enough to fix the max~ 
imum of taxation But, with this advancement of the 
poor, in the scale of political knowledge, a similar ad- 
vancement on the part of the middle class has not been 

2d 



202 



simultaneous. The latter, before the peace, had a long 
course of comparative, or at least average, prosperity ; 
they were busily occupied with their own private affairs ; 
they read the details of foreign news in the columns of 
the public journals, but they did not interest themselves 
about the internal policy of their own country, or if they 
meddled at all, saved themselves the trouble of inquiring, 
by a general determination to " support the government ," 
meaning thereby the ministry of the day. In political 
information, they, therefore, have been comparatively sta- 
tionary ; and when the steady onward progress of opinion 
has brought the poor to their heels, instead of attempting 
to preserve their own superiority, by taking a movement 
in advance, they turn round upon, and endeavour to re- 
pulse, those who have encroached upon the situation 
which they have been accustomed to fill ; they de- 
prive themselves of a fair advantage, lest a similar one 
should be taken by a class of whom they are jealous or 
afraid. 

" As Papists refuse 
" The Bible to use, 
" Lest flocks should grow wise as their guides." 

But the last two years have produced a considerable 
change— a change which is still going on, in the senti- 
ments of the middle classes. They begin to find, that 
they must interfere with domestic politics, because poli- 
tics will interfere with them ; and where they have in any 
considerable proportion thrown their weight into the 
same scale with the labouring classes, a more conciliatory 
mode of conduct must be adopted, than that which has 
recently been in fashion. 

Happy indeed would it have been, if a conciliatory 
spirit had uniformly been displayed. That great part of 



203 

the disturbances of 1812, and that all the restrictive mea- 
sures of 1817, might thus have been avoided, I am per- 
fectly satisfied ; whilst I am equally convinced, that but 
for the attack on the meeting of the 16th of August, 
those detestable Bills, which have now received the sanc- 
tion of the legislature, would have been destitute of all 
pretence. 

It is not a little remarkable, that before the second edi- 
tion of Mr. Philips's pamphlet was published, I had 
fixed upon the very same occurrences, in proof of the 
advantage of lenient proceedings which he there adduces 
as demonstrative of their ill effects. Upon the facts of 
the case we are agreed. The spinners turned out for an 
advance of wages, and for a considerable time they 
marched u in military array," almost daily, through the 
town. So long as they confined their conduct within the 
limits of the law, they were not, and they rightly were 
not, interfered with. But, subsequently, their proceed- 
ings became utterly illegal. Not content with refrain- 
ing from work themselves, they lay in wait for, and abus- 
ed, those who wished to continue employed — satisfied 
with the wages they were receiving ; and when the mas- 
ters of any factory, for the protection of the workmen 
who continued at their labour, fitted up beds, &c. to ac- 
commodate them within the mill, an attack was made 
upon the building itself. Those to whom the care of the 
property was entrusted, found it necessary to fire upon 
the assailants. One man was killed, and, I believe, two 
or three wounded. Here was a palpable and obvious 
riot, a manifest violation of the law ; every person en- 
gaged in the attack must have known he was acting ille- 
gally, and must have foreseen the probable result of his 
conduct. There was no speculation about " appear- 
ances" and " tendencies ;" the breach of the peace on 
the part of the mob was absolute and undeniable. The 



204 

consequence was, as might have been expected ; public 
opinion sanctioned the proceedings it was thought neces- 
sary to adopt ; and when the Boroughreeve and Consta- 
bles of that year quitted office, they received the unani- 
mous thanks of their fellow townsmen, for their conduct 
during the turn-out of the spinners. 

Had the people on the 16th of August committed any 
act of riot, the measure of dispersing them according to 
the form of law, would have excited no disapprobation ; 
but when they had done nothing obnoxious to the known 
laws on one hand, nor were the provisions of the law, 
which would have operated in their favour, observed 
on the other, it is not to be wondered, that the public 
mind should be revolted, by the treatment to which they 
were subjected. The strength of all persons in authority 
consists, either in the employment of absolute force, or 
in the adoption of such moderate and discreet conduct, 
as may secure the influence of public opinion in their fa- 
vour. That, the former cannot be employed so as 
wholly to put down the latter, is, under the present cir- 
cumstances of the country, sufficiently evident. It is, 
therefore, most highly desirable, that all persons in offi- 
cial situations should so restrain the force of private 
opinion and prejudice, should use their important pow- 
ers with such unimpassioned temperance, as may enable 
them fully to rely on, and confidently to claim, the ap- 
probation of the thinking, the moderate, the intelligent, 
and the judicious, portion of the community. 

That the Magistrates, who acted on the 16th of Au- 
gust, have not obtained the approbation of persons of this 
description, must be admitted by all ; nor can 1 conceive 
that any circumstances will be developed, either on the 
trial of Mr. Hunt, or upon any other occasion, which, as it 
respects them, shall convert " censures into praise, and 
detestation into gratitude ;'" or which, indeed, shall ope- 



205 

rate any change in the matured and deliberate judgment 
of the public at large. 

In commenting upon the Parliamentary Papers, and 
in answering Mr. Philips's pamphlet, I have only dis- 
charged what seemed to me a duty, to the great body of 
my industrious neighbours and fellow-countrymen. — 
The people are unjustly appreciated ; principally, be- 
cause their character is imperfectly known. But I have 
no hesitation in stating it as my solemn conviction, that 
any individual of moderate political principles, of close 
observation, and possessing the previous knowledge re- 
quisite to enable him to make the comparison, would, 
after deliberate examination, feel himself compelled to 
decide, that no body of English peasantry is, for so- 
briety, good conduct, shrewdness, industry, and intel- 
ligence, to be compared to the mass of the manu- 
facturing population which surrounds Manchester. — 
That there is none more susceptible of the impressions 
produced by kindness — none more disposed to pay 
proper respect to those of a higher rank, by whom they 
are treated with frankness, confidence, and good hu- 
mour. 

That circumstances should have long conspired to in- 
terrupt the friendly and cordial feelings, which ought 
mutually to prevail between the labourers and those of 
the class above them, to prevent that free interchange of 
acts of kindness, which each may find sufficient oppor- 
tunities of rendering to the other, is very much to be 
lamented. But it is still more deplorable, that any oc- 
currences should have taken place, to cause that fierce 
hostility — to create those bitter enmities and heart- 
burnings, which too many of each class now feel to- 
wards the other. Every friend of humanity, every true 
Englishman, without regard to party, must be anxious 
that this state of things may pass away, and that the 



200 

feelings best befitting fellow-countrymen and neighbours 
to entertain towards each other, may be speedily and 
permanently re-established amongst us. By none is this 
anxiety felt — by none will this " consummation so de- 
voutly to be wished," be hailed — with more full and 
perfect satisfaction than by myself. 



THE END. 



Maurice, Printer, Fenchurch Street. 

LP. D 'II 



L 



